{"id":883,"date":"2026-09-06T18:07:18","date_gmt":"2026-09-06T18:07:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=883"},"modified":"2026-09-06T18:07:18","modified_gmt":"2026-09-06T18:07:18","slug":"reforms-struggle-to-be-serious","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=883","title":{"rendered":"Reform\u2019s struggle to be serious"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u201cThis James thing is fucked,\u201d were the first words I heard on the train. It was the 8:10 to Birmingham International, and a clutch of young men wearing blue suits, brown shoes and bright turquoise ties were en route to Reform conference. The boys were back in town, gearing up to take on the blob.<\/p>\n

Read more 9\/11 could happen again<\/a><\/p>\n

They would soon be gathering at a cavernous venue on the fringe of Britain\u2019s troubled second city. Inside, their party had built a turquoise fantasia to welcome them. There were tractors and buses to climb aboard. George Finch, the laddish young leader of Warwickshire County Council, was striding about with a camera crew buttonholing attendees. Jeremy Kyle was seated on a circular dais, broadcasting a show live to the jumbotrons above our heads. You could buy some roast hog or fly a helicopter simulator or sign a book of condolences for Ann Widdecombe. On sale were pens and mugs and tea towels that showed Nigel Farage doing the dishes and proclaiming: \u201cWashing up is\u2026 boring, boring, boring.\u201d<\/p>\n

Conference was supposed to be a chance for \u201cnormal people\u201d to gather \u2014 and for party leaders to unveil their serious plan for power, ready to be implemented on day one of a Reform government. Certainly, a change in conversation feels especially urgent for the party now. An embarrassing by-election, and a series of rows over funding, had driven Nigel Farage away from the spotlight and stalled his momentum. Restore were leeching votes from the Right, while just a few days before the faithful were due to gather, a poll had put Reform third, behind the Conservatives. It was the party\u2019s lowest rating in 18 months.<\/p>\n

But if Farage\u2019s inner circle hoped Conference would now be a chance to reset after a torrid summer, there was the \u201cJames thing\u201d. With key lieutenants James Orr and Dan Jukes caught on camera discussing a legally dubious funding operation in garish detail, and Farage filmed ordering oysters in the Essex sunshine, and insisting \u201cit\u2019s all above board\u201d, it seemed Reform\u2019s bid to fix itself was floundering already. The blob was fighting back.<\/p>\n

Reform has since been reported to the Metropolitan Police by Labour and the Liberal Democrats, both keen to twist the knife. As for Farage himself, he told Laura Kuenssberg he was simply not paying attention. \u201cI am not a compliance officer,\u201d he complained. \u201cI was in the middle of canvassing in the Clacton by-election. I turn up. I frankly wasn\u2019t even listening.\u201d<\/p>\n

The ongoing project to professionalize Reform looked, then, to be a work in progress. There were other signs. On Friday, the first panel of the day featured a spread of Christians talking about freedom of speech. When the discussion was opened to the floor, the first comment was on the \u201cgay issue\u201d. While there had always been gay people, a woman mused from the front row, it felt as if there were now be more of them than ever. Had the panel considered the physical implications of hormone-disrupting chemicals? The panel did not wish to consider such things. With the microphone returned, they hastily moved back to freedom of speech.<\/p>\n

More significant was the party\u2019s struggle to develop its relationship with big business. Reform has always had a strong element of petit-bourgeois support \u2014 \u201cnormal people\u201d running normal companies seemed well represented among the delegates. For the blue chips, though, associating with an insurgent political movement is not without danger. Why risk tying yourself to a Guardian<\/em> expos\u00e9 on racist language? Just think of the ESG rating. But despite this, and Reform\u2019s rolling donation crisis, British industry has begun to shift. Slap bang in the center of the conference hall was a lounge sponsored by Heathrow. Major firms, including NatWest and Serco, attended the business dinner.<\/p>\n

The morning after, though, the rumors were that it had not gone to plan; Farage is said to have mocked NatWest for debanking him and Serco for profiting from the asylum crisis. There were other frustrations too. Nick Marley, whose supply-chain management consultancy paid \u00a36,000 for a booth, told me he was disappointed \u201csenior folk\u201d from the party hadn\u2019t dropped by his stand for a chat.<\/p>\n

Among the membership, there were far fewer doubts. Talk to almost any rank-and-file member and they will tell you the same thing: the establishment is trying to stitch up Nigel; they will use any trick in the book; if we have made any errors they have been made 10 times over by the uniparty before us.<\/p>\n

Two young councilors from Salford were bullish. Their local party group chat had barely mentioned the expos\u00e9; it seemed destined to slide away, to be forgotten alongside other SW1 gossip. When one of the men asked for my view, I suggested that the drip, drip nature of financial misconduct claims would eventually become a problem. But the lads were not worried: we were at a reception, drinking for free, and Boney M. would be on soon. If Andy Burnham were to call a snap election, they both agreed, Reform would likely leapfrog the Tories to become the official opposition.<\/p>\n

When I spoke to a Reform insider about Channel 4\u2019s revelations, however, they were far less sanguine. The atmosphere the evening before, they said, had been \u201cfebrile\u201d as the news broke. \u201cThis reflects a pattern of unprofessional behavior that was starting to be addressed but now needs to be supercharged\u201d.<\/p>\n

The appointment of Zia Yusuf, who served as Reform\u2019s chair from 2024 to 2025 before abruptly quitting, had been meant to bring the organization into line. But when I asked about his performance, my source was contemptuous. Yusuf had not helped, and indeed had perhaps made things worse.<\/p>\n

After the evening\u2019s entertainment had wound down inside the hall, attendees decamped to a nearby shopping center, where a dim casino served drinks until 5am and slot machines flashed neon-bright. Here, a certain anxiety seemed to be germinating through the party cadre. A Reform press officer, glassy-eyed, insisted that he simply did not care anymore. He did not care about anything.<\/p>\n

Another functionary was eager to tell me that he had known and been deceived by William Lockwood, the undercover reporter from the Centre for Climate Reporting responsible for the Channel 4 sting. The Reformer pulled out his phone and began scrolling through dozens upon dozens of WhatsApp messages between the pair. \u201cIf I had a birthday party and invited 100 people he would be one of them\u201d. He seemed wounded by the experience, on the edge of a nervous collapse.<\/p>\n

The next morning, a small band of protesters gathered outside the conference. Separated from attendees by the police, they held a banner that read \u201cBrum Youth Give Racists the Boot\u201d and chanted, \u201cSay it loud, say it clear: refugees are welcome here!\u201d Many were wearing surgical facemasks.<\/p>\n

Inside, Danny Kruger was delivering a talk about how to reform the state. Danny Kruger always seemed to be delivering talks on how to reform the state. Each day of Conference, he popped up at events throughout the hall, proscribing civil-service reforms and constitutional restoration and cost-cutting measures. On this occasion, he was in conversation with Mark Littlewood, the Liz Truss ally and director of Popular Conservatism, as he set out Reform\u2019s preparations for power.<\/p>\n

Read more Why we can\u2019t get off Freud\u2019s couch<\/a><\/p>\n

The party had intended for the conference to focus on such plans. Everywhere, the hoardings declared Farage\u2019s team was ready for \u201cThe First 100 Days\u201d. On stage, spokespeople were making policy commitments. But, in the wake of Channel 4\u2019s report, nobody other than the party hardcore seemed to care.<\/p>\n

In Kruger\u2019s case, that was a shame, because his ideas are both serious and radical. Reform, he declared, would have to launch an \u201cinstitutional intifada\u201d. \u201cI want Reform to be a radical insurgent party. A revolutionary spirit in the English tradition of revolutions, which is restorative, which is why restore is such a good word, annoyingly. Actually, we are about restoration not revolution but there is a radical spirit to that restoration that\u2019s going to require some breaking of the furniture.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kruger and Littlewood agreed that the power of quangos would have to be severely curtailed. How many even were there? According to Truss, Littlewood said, there were 444. But he wished it might have been 666, given the demonic implications. Kruger, who is in charge of Reform\u2019s preparations for government, working under Orr until the latter\u2019s resignation, began throwing out policy on the hoof. He would like to abolish His Majesty\u2019s Prison and Probation Service, he said, and was sure Yusuf would agree if he raised it. But, he conceded, \u201cthat\u2019s a big job\u201d.<\/p>\n

For Kruger, and an increasing number of others on the Right, Britain\u2019s modern ills can be traced back to 1997 and the election of New Labour. According to this theory, Tony Blair\u2019s constitutional reforms started a process of political neutering, removing power from elected officials \u2014 and, by extension, the public \u2014 and placing it into the hands of an unaccountable bureaucracy. Electing a conservative government would therefore achieve little unless such vested interests were taken on. Following this line of argument, populism can be viewed merely as a means of re-establishing popular control of the state.<\/p>\n

While the ostensible theme of the conference was demonstrating that Reform was ready to take office, that actually seemed to undersell its importance. For if the party is truly prepared to follow through on Kruger\u2019s proposals, it will mean a vast and complex remaking of the British state. The constitution would be revised, the House of Lords faced down, the machinery of government retooled to conduct mass deportations. Such plans will face huge and sustained opposition. That the party\u2019s own conference had been overshadowed by a Channel 4 expos\u00e9 said little good for its chances of succeeding.<\/p>\n

After Kruger\u2019s talk ended, I spoke to David Starkey, who had been sitting in the front row and whose arguments regarding Blair\u2019s malign constitutional influence have become influential in these circles. There were still several big question marks, he told me. \u201cHow far is Farage himself committed? How far is Farage capable of communicating these ideas? And finally, how far have they really done the preparatory work?\u201d The effort required would dwarf the voluminous preparations made by Trump\u2019s team in advance of his second term, Starkey said, while he could see no signs that key legislation was being prepared ahead of time.<\/p>\n

In its clashing moments of frivolity and seriousness, the conference seemed to mirror something of Farage\u2019s own internal divide. Is he a hard-drinking outsider, giving voice to a slice of the nation \u2014 but whose indiscipline and laziness will ultimately doom him? Or is he ready to move into No. 10 and transform the country in the twilight of his career? The question of whether Reform can now break past its core vote share largely depends on how the public answers those questions.<\/p>\n

Then there\u2019s the damage inside the party machine. Jukes, who started campaigning for UKIP at 18, is said to be like a son to him; Orr has deep ties to JD Vance and European conservative networks, and brought a much-needed intellectual ballast to the party. Farage\u2019s relatives, the leader himself told Robert Peston, had been begging him to quit politics. \u201cWhen your own family starts to turn on you because of what you do, [there are] some very thoughtful moments,\u201d he said. \u201cVery, very thoughtful moments.\u201d<\/p>\n

One insider described the events of the past 48 hours to me as \u201csub-optimal\u201d. Jukes and Orr had wanted \u201cto show something shiny to the boss\u201d \u2014 they had not considered the diligence required. Such problems, however, would help Reform in one respect. \u201cExternal pressure keeps everything tight,\u201d they said. \u201cThe cracks don\u2019t show.\u201d<\/p>\n

Farage, the insider claimed, had come out of the summer in a much better place than before. \u201cHe\u2019s much more chipper. He likes campaigning\u2026 yes, he\u2019s a politician \u2014 he likes the sound of his own voice but he always listens.\u201d In this telling, the Clacton by-election was not so much a busted flush as a period of rejuvenation, the Faragist equivalent of a yoga retreat in the Balearic Islands.<\/p>\n

Another source insisted the conference had been great and the \u201chit job\u201d from the press had been dealt with effectively: nobody wanted to hear from murky groups looking for gotcha moments. Jukes was a \u201cgenerational talent\u201d, they said, and one of the most loyal people in Farage\u2019s circle. \u201cTo lose them to a fucking net-zero sting would be awful.\u201d<\/p>\n

As we spoke, Farage strode past in a turquoise suit, surrounded by a phalanx of security guards in black. \u201cAndrew Breitbart\u2026 just used to say \u2018walk towards the fire,\u2019\u201d the source said as we watched Farage head into the arena. \u201cWhenever there\u2019s a scandal or a hit job or whatever, I just think you have to walk towards that fire. You can\u2019t be afraid, you can\u2019t run away from it. And yet, there\u2019ll probably be more. That\u2019s the nature of life. You win some, you lose some.\u201d<\/p>\n

To end the conference, the leader appeared on stage for a final time. He seemed to be in an ebullient mood. \u201cIf it\u2019s not fun then it\u2019s not worth doing anyway, is it?\u201d he asked. This had been the biggest and most fun conference they had undertaken. Did he really mean it? \u201cMy people\u2019s army,\u201d he continued, \u201cI\u2019m proud to lead you. Once again, I love you all.\u201d<\/p>\n

For the faithful in the hall, it was a moment of inspiration. \u201cFarage is back to his best,\u201d Peter Faultless, a wizened party member from near Walsall told me, as we walked away from the stage and back towards the real world. \u201cHe clearly wants to lead us.\u201d For Faultless, as with so many other Reform members, there is no alternative. Yusuf is great and Jenrick smart, but Farage is the boss. \u201cReform is not going to win the election without him,\u201d he added. \u201cWithout him \u2014 we\u2019re not the same.\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more The Gloria Steinem I knew<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201cThis James thing is fucked,\u201d were the first words I heard on the train. It was the 8:10 to Birmingham International, and a clutch of young men wearing blue suits, brown shoes and bright turquoise ties were en route to Reform conference. The boys were back in town, gearing up to take on the blob. 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It was the 8:10 to Birmingham International, and a clutch of young men wearing blue suits, brown shoes and bright turquoise ties were en route to Reform conference. The boys were back in town, gearing up to take on the blob. 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