{"id":694,"date":"2026-08-10T06:07:46","date_gmt":"2026-08-10T06:07:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=694"},"modified":"2026-08-10T06:07:46","modified_gmt":"2026-08-10T06:07:46","slug":"the-rights-favorite-left-radical","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=694","title":{"rendered":"The Right\u2019s favorite Left radical"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

In the spring of 1979, Jimmy Carter set a place at his table for a radical historian: Christopher Lasch. The author\u2019s book <\/span>The Culture of Narcissism<\/span><\/i>, published a few months earlier, had become that rarest of objects, a best-selling work of social criticism, with a National Book Award soon to follow. And it had reached a president facing gas lines and a country he no longer felt he understood.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Carter\u2019s pollster Pat Caddell had been pressing the book on the White House for months. So its author came to dinner at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, seated beside First Lady Rosalynn Carter, in company that included the sociologist Daniel Bell, the Rev. Jesse Jackson, the broadcaster Bill Moyers, and other diagnosticians of the American soul. Caddell briefed the room on the nation\u2019s darkening mood. By July, Carter would deliver his <\/span>\u201cCrisis of Confidence\u201d address<\/span> from Camp David, remembered ever after as the \u201cMalaise\u201d speech. Its most quotable lines echoed Lasch.<\/span><\/p>\n

The address worked, and Carter\u2019s approval briefly jumped before collapsing along with his Cabinet. Carter had kept Lasch\u2019s diagnosis of a self-absorbed consumer culture and discarded everything that gave Lasch\u2019s diagnosis its power: above all, his focus on corporate concentration and the degradation of work. The analysis, in short, of who holds power and what they do with it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lasch protested afterward, in a letter to Caddell, that his target had been the managerial and professional elite, not the ordinary Americans Carter\u2019s speech scolded. It did not matter. The first politician to govern with Lasch in hand had used the book the way a preacher uses a text, for the sermon it could yield rather than the argument it made. Carter was a Democrat. Ronald Reagan, a Republican, mocked the sermon all the way to the White House, and the party of the New Deal has flinched from the word \u201cmalaise\u201d ever since.<\/span><\/p>\n

Forty-seven years later, the borrowing from Lasch continues \u2014 only, from the other direction, the Right, and it has become a genre. The conservative writer William Voegeli\u2019s essay in a recent issue of the <\/span>Claremont Review of Books,<\/span><\/i>\u201c<\/span>The Political Contradictions of Trumpism<\/span>,<\/span>\u201d<\/span> is an important entry: a patient reading of Lasch\u2019s<\/span> The Revolt of the Elites<\/span><\/i>, published posthumously in 1995, as a book important for understanding Trumpism as an ideological movement, its demonology and its idiom. (Sure enough, a copy of <\/span>Revolt<\/span><\/i> reportedly once <\/span>sat on the desk of JD Vance\u2019s speechwriter<\/span>.) Voegeli, though, is honest enough to concede what he calls the \u201chard parts,\u201d meaning Lasch\u2019s complete analysis of class power and political economy, which the Trumpians generally decline to inherit.<\/span><\/p>\n

But these developments raise a question, largely unaddressed by those, on the Right and the Left, who claim ownership of Lasch\u2019s legacy: how does the work of a man formed on the Marxist Left, a historian who spent the 1960s explaining why American socialism died, become devotional reading for the party of the so-called New Right? The answer, in good part, has to do with Lasch\u2019s own refusal to address modern political economy as it actually exists, and the Jeffersonian romanticism he substituted for proper class analysis.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lasch trained at Columbia under the liberal historian<\/span> William Leuchtenburg and made his name in 1965 with <\/span>The New Radicalism in America<\/span><\/i>, which treated intellectuals not as free-floating minds, but as a social type with interests of its own. By the time he published <\/span>The Agony of the American Left<\/span><\/i>, in 1969, Lasch was working the same seam as the revisionist historians of his generation: the argument, built by<\/span> C. Wright Mills and elaborated by<\/span> Gabriel Kolko and<\/span> James Weinstein, that 20th-century liberalism was not capitalism\u2019s adversary, but its administrative wing, and that the professionals who staffed the wing constituted a power formation in their own right.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lasch\u2019s lifelong villain \u2014 the credentialed stratum he would later call the \u201cthinking classes\u201d \u2014 descends in a direct line from that critique. This matters, because the genealogy has been quietly repossessed. The anti-elite bludgeon that the Right now brandishes at every university and newsroom was Leftist property first, forged to explain why corporate liberalism absorbed every Left challenge thrown at it.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Left, in short, held the patent on the villain that now obsessed the Right. In 1977, the year Lasch published his book on the family, <\/span>Haven in a Heartless World<\/span><\/i>, Barbara and John Ehrenreich coined the term<\/span> \u201cprofessional-managerial class\u201d in <\/span>Radical America<\/span><\/i>, a New Left journal, to explain their own movement\u2019s uncomfortable social base. The phrase the online Right now wields as a slur was minted by socialists as an instrument of self-examination, a fact <\/span>Barbara Ehrenreich was still patiently explaining<\/span> four decades later.<\/span><\/p>\n

The two analyses were siblings with different tempers. The Ehrenreich critique kept the professional class inside a theory of capitalism, a stratum living off the surplus that workers produced. For Lasch, however, the critique of the liberal professionals increasingly took on a <\/span>moral <\/span><\/i>cast: in his telling, they were a stratum living off the deference that ordinary people no longer owed.<\/span><\/p>\n

What happened next is that the academic and professional Left became, demographically, the very class that the professional-managerial concept described. And the professionals, it turned out, didn\u2019t like to question their own class origins and function in the system. They had sinecures to protect. Lasch didn\u2019t stop his probing, however. He carried the analysis forward, almost alone through the 1980s, which is one reason he sounded increasingly like a man without a party. He was one.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, the Left began writing his obituaries early. <\/span>Haven<\/span><\/i>, for example, argued that the helping professions had colonized the family. And that the radical anti-family ideas of the Left really supplied after-the-fact alibis for the market\u2019s corrosion of the traditional family. Likewise, in <\/span>Narcissism<\/span><\/i>, Lasch diagnosed the supposedly emancipated American personality as a product of consumer capitalism. He was, in other words, poking at his own side.<\/span><\/p>\n

The fights that followed were almost entirely intramural, and the fiercest were with feminists who heard in his defense of the besieged family a defense of its hierarchies and said so at length; in the <\/span>Village Voice<\/span><\/i> and the feminist journals, his name became shorthand for nostalgia, and the charge stuck in the seminar rooms even. By the time his critical history of progressivism, <\/span>The True and Only Heaven<\/span><\/i> appeared, in 1991, Left critics treated him as a moralist in exile from his own side, while conservative ones circled his body of work with wary interest. That book assembled his counter-tradition, the social forces he would celebrate: the producers, the farmer and the artisan, the small proprietor, the petty-bourgeois lineage whose ethic of \u201ccompetence\u201d and limits he upheld against the technocratic religion of progress.<\/span><\/p>\n

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The Revolt of the Elites<\/span><\/i>, completed with his daughter Elisabeth Lasch-Quinn, the Syracuse University historian, as leukemia killed him at 61, arrived a year after his death with the inversion of Ortega y Gasset\u2019s <\/span>The<\/span><\/i> Revolt of the Masses<\/span><\/i> that everyone now quotes. <\/span>Harper\u2019s<\/span><\/i> ran the title essay<\/span> months before publication, so the professional classes got to read their indictment in one of their own house organs.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Right began claiming him before the estate was settled. In his last years, Lasch himself published in <\/span>First Things<\/span><\/i>, telling conservatives in a 1990 essay headlined<\/span> \u201c<\/span>Conservatism Against Itself<\/span>\u201d that the market they worshiped devours the traditions they mourn; the essay reads today like a warning label the New Right has declined to heed. Then, conservative thinkers set about completing the adoption process, to make Lasch one of their own. <\/span>Roger Kimball gave <\/span>Revolt<\/span><\/i> a long, respectful accounting<\/span> in <\/span>The New Criterion<\/span><\/i> in 1995, disagreements included. Patrick Deneen wrote <\/span>an admiring essay in 2004<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Through the Bush years, while the academic Left remembered Lasch mainly for what progressives saw as his retreat, the paleoconservatives kept him in circulation:<\/span> Jeremy Beer\u2019s \u201cThe Radical Lasch\u201d<\/span> in <\/span>The American Conservative<\/span><\/i> in 2007; the <\/span>Front Porch Republic circle<\/span>; the Intercollegiate Studies Institute reading lists; and, in 2010, the standard biography,<\/span> Eric Miller\u2019s <\/span>Hope in a Scattering Time<\/span><\/i>, issued not by a university press or Big Five imprint, but by Eerdmans, an evangelical house. In short, the Right \u2014 or the faction of it that would become today\u2019s New Right \u2014 had completed its ownership claim to Lasch a decade before Donald Trump\u2019s fateful ride down the escalator.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Trump era only underscored Lasch\u2019s significance to the Right. <\/span>Ross Douthat put <\/span>Revolt<\/span><\/i> on his reading list<\/span> for the incoming era in December 2016. Two months later,<\/span> Axios<\/span><\/i> reported<\/span> that Steve Bannon counted it among his favorite books, which drew <\/span>a furious rebuttal in <\/span>The Baffler<\/span><\/i> from Chris Lehmann, a former graduate student of Lasch\u2019s, who insisted that Trumpism would have appalled his teacher.<\/span><\/p>\n

Josh Hawley\u2019s keynote<\/span> to the first National Conservatism conference in 2019 foregrounded Laschian themes: an American middle betrayed by a leadership class loyal to the globe. By the time <\/span>Compact<\/span><\/i>, co-founded by <\/span>UnHerd<\/span><\/i>\u2019s Sohrab Ahmari, launched in 2022, the formula was recognizably Lasch\u2019s: a strong social state, a conservative culture. <\/span>Law & Liberty<\/span><\/i> convened an anniversary forum<\/span> in 2021. With a few <\/span>honorable<\/span> exceptions<\/span>, these conservative adopters of the Lasch legacy dropped his anti-capitalist political economy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Why is the operation so easy? The problem is that Lasch\u2019s populism has no workplace in it. For a writer whose great subject was the fate of ordinary people under corporate capitalism, the employment relation is almost entirely absent from his books. Read <\/span>The Culture of Narcissism<\/span><\/i> beside any book about workers of its decade, and the silence becomes glaring: the book anatomizes the manipulated consumer and the therapized client on every page. But the supervised employee barely appears. The workplace as a domain of social domination finds little place in the Laschian corpus.<\/span><\/p>\n

His moral exemplars are owners in miniature, the freeholder and the master craftsman, members of a class that had, for all intents and purposes, ceased to exist before he was born. Compare Lasch to another Left academic who studies the same issue, C. Wright Mills. The latter\u2019s white-collar Americans were employees to the bone, people whose class position consisted precisely in having a boss. Lasch, by contrast, barely noticed the boss.<\/span><\/p>\n

When wage earners do appear in <\/span>The True and Only Heaven <\/span><\/i>\u2014 a rare exception \u2014 they arrive as 19th-century labor republicans and syndicalists, men who wanted the trade to make them proprietors of their own craft; they matter to Lasch, that is, exactly insofar as they resemble owners. Lasch elided, however, the 20th-century employee: the person who clocks in at somebody else\u2019s firm and will retire, or be discarded, from somebody else\u2019s firm. Unions in their 20th-century form figure as one more bureaucracy, a managerial stratum administering workers, rather than as vehicles that allowed workers to pool their bargaining power and thus improve their wages and working conditions.<\/span><\/p>\n

His defenders will answer that the omission was the argument; that in the Jeffersonian tradition Lasch championed, permanent wage labor is the disease and proprietorship the cure. It follows, the thinking runs, that organizing on the employment relation would only ratify the disease. Perhaps. But a serious politics cannot be based upon the idea that everyone will one day become an owner. The history of political economy in the 19th and 20th centuries, on the contrary, is a story of capital separating the Jeffersonian yeoman and artisan from his land and his tools.<\/span><\/p>\n

To be sure, Lasch wasn\u2019t wrong in his critique of unions as sclerotic and bureaucratic. But he took this true observation as a permission slip for neglecting the wage relation almost entirely. Which, as it happened, made him congenial to the elements of the Right which were happy to have his critique of the globalist professionals at a cultural level, but which remained averse to collective bargaining and the redistribution of power within the firm.<\/span><\/p>\n

A class politics anchored in ownership and Jeffersonian virtue carries none of this. It asks only that you resent the credentialed, and that is an appetite the American Right has never lacked. The Right could adopt Lasch\u2019s villain whole, the arrogant professional stratum, without having to consider what defending the villain\u2019s victim would mean on a material plane: at the level of wages and labor law. Ultimately, nothing in <\/span>The Revolt of the Elites<\/span><\/i> is unassimilable by a party of capital.<\/span><\/p>\n

Yet the Right\u2019s near-full adoption of Lasch doesn\u2019t do justice to the Left position he actually held, its shortcomings notwithstanding: a Left that could distrust the professional stratum without falling in love with the market; a Left that took the moral world of working people seriously as something other than false consciousness.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Jason Arday: a question of academic standards<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In the spring of 1979, Jimmy Carter set a place at his table for a radical historian: Christopher Lasch. The author\u2019s book The Culture of Narcissism, published a few months earlier, had become that rarest of objects, a best-selling work of social criticism, with a National Book Award soon to follow. 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