{"id":552,"date":"2026-07-21T04:14:10","date_gmt":"2026-07-21T04:14:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=552"},"modified":"2026-07-21T04:14:10","modified_gmt":"2026-07-21T04:14:10","slug":"the-poverty-of-white-nationalism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=552","title":{"rendered":"The poverty of white nationalism"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Over the last decade, once-fringe views on race and American identity have taken over important sectors of the US Right. These include the belief that people from some cultures aren\u2019t capable of assimilating; that the fate of the country turns on keeping it as white as possible; and that Democrats are importing foreign voters to cement a permanent majority. It isn\u2019t unusual to hear pundits and lawmakers from the mainstream of the conservative movement giving voice to some or all of these sentiments.<\/span>
\n<\/span>
\n<\/span>White nationalism\u2019s shift \u2014 from the peripheries to the center \u2014 forms the premise of Scott Greer\u2019s new book, <\/span>Whitepill<\/span><\/i>. Greer himself has views that can charitably be described as white-nationalist-adjacent. He has written skeptically about color-blindness<\/span> on the grounds<\/span> that it \u201ccould just mean whites denying their own interests in the vain hope that minorities give up their racial consciousness.\u201d He is also one of the movement\u2019s sharper thinkers. Yet ultimately, the only thing his book proves is the intellectual and moral poverty of this worldview.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Shabana Mahmood: human shield<\/a><\/p>\n

In the mid-2010s, Greer was a rising star within mainstream conservative journalism. In 2018, it was revealed that he had written for Richard Spencer\u2019s white-nationalist website <\/span>Radix<\/span><\/i> a few years earlier, where he made arguments about topics such as the \u201cJewish role\u201d in promoting multiculturalism. He had already left <\/span>The<\/span><\/i> Daily Caller<\/span><\/i> for several months before his dox. But henceforth, he would be in essence canceled from movement conservatism.<\/span><\/p>\n

As Greer points out in <\/span>Whitepill<\/span><\/i>, his career would have easily survived the revelations about his past today. The things he was saying in 2014 on white-nationalist websites are often scarcely distinguishable from the talking points of major Right-wing influencers and GOP elected officials today. \u201cWe know our country\u2019s better than yours,\u201d Megyn Kelly told Haitian immigrants recently, adding: \u201cWe don\u2019t want you.\u2026 Go back to fucking Haiti.\u201d Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee refers to Zohran Mamdani as \u201clittle Muhammad\u201d and demands that New York\u2019s mayor be stripped of his citizenship and deported. Rep. Brandon Gill, meanwhile, has complained about Indians working at 7-11 stores \u2014 this, despite his wife being of Indian heritage.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Greer\u2019s new book is a victory lap celebrating what has been accomplished. The title is a reference to taking the white pill, which in online circles refers to being happy about a given state of affairs, in contrast to the black pill, which signifies the loss of hope \u2014 both being a spinoff of the red and blue pills made famous by <\/span>The Matrix<\/span><\/i>. The lesson of his book is that white nationalists have won. But it leaves the thoughtful reader wondering what the point of this race-based politics is supposed to be.<\/span><\/p>\n

Full disclosure here: I have known Greer since his alt-Right days. I wrote for some of the same websites, though my politics have obviously gone in a different direction. I now reject white identitarianism of all kinds. My doxxing came in summer 2023. For this reason, I briefly appear as a character in <\/span>Whitepill<\/span><\/i>, with Greer using me as one example to demonstrate that by the time my former views were unearthed, people could survive revelations that they once expressed racist and other reactionary views.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Whitepill <\/span><\/i>is essentially a history of the American Right from the Obama era to the present, with a particular focus on race and identity issues, such as DEI, affirmative action, and, above all, immigration. There is not a lot here that is going to surprise anyone who has followed the news over the last decade: from the rise and fall of the Tea Party to the killing of Trayvon Martin; to the Henry Louis Gates controversy and the resulting beer summit, then-candidate Donald Trump\u2019s comments on immigrants in his 2015 launch speech, and the summer of George Floyd.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The bulk of the book might be a valuable read for young people not old enough to remember the Obama era, or those who only recently started following politics. But for those of us who have kept up with current events over the last 10-plus years, particularly developments on the American Right, there is limited value in most chapters.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The point of the book is to demonstrate just how much has changed on the Right. The most interesting parts are the author relaying his first-hand account of the transformation. In 2015, Greer was one of the first people at <\/span>The<\/span><\/i> Daily Caller<\/span><\/i> to support Trump. It marked him as an outcast, and colleagues thought that it was a joke; he built a \u201cwall\u201d of books around his desk in order to show his support for Trump and his signature border proposal.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Greer\u2019s takeaway from this is that the mainstream movement\u2019s stalwarts in those days were \u201clame.\u201d He was, and remains, outraged that conservative activists and journalists were uninterested in race and immigration issues, instead stressing deregulation and free markets. Greer\u2019s alt-Right circle, in contrast, featured \u201ca heroin addict with sociopathic tendencies, an unstable taxi driver who couldn\u2019t control his racial outbursts, and one likely federal agent who tried to recruit us into a militia.\u201d For those who weren\u2019t there, it is useful to stress just how marginalized white identitarian attitudes and adjacent opinions were across the political spectrum in the pre-Trump era.<\/span><\/p>\n

Now, Greer asserts, most prominent figures in conservatism share at least some of these views. This might be an overstatement. Much of the Christian Right remains theologically immune to the racist appeal, and likewise, there are many who haven\u2019t adopted based signaling and racial slurs in the populist bargain.\u00a0 Nevertheless, as Trump\u2019s hard-line immigration positions and the quotes above from the likes of Kelly and Ogles demonstrate, the author is correct about the general direction of travel.<\/span><\/p>\n

He celebrates Tucker Carlson for bringing identity issues to the forefront of American conservatism, and the transformation of the late Charlie Kirk, spending five pages documenting his move toward immigration restrictionism and a pinched account of national identity. He correctly points out that Republican voters are motivated primarily by identity-related concerns, rather than economics, which is what created an opening for Trump and more intellectually minded nativists to take over the party. He\u2019s backed up here by a large amount of political science data, which I\u2019ve<\/span> written about<\/span> before.<\/span><\/p>\n

That doesn\u2019t mean that Greer is completely satisfied with the direction of modern conservatism. He thinks it\u2019s too conspiratorial, for one thing. Indeed, it was Greer who coined the term \u201cInsane Clown Party\u201d to highlight Republicans\u2019 growing fascination with topics like UFOs and Satanic pedophile rings. He also has little patience for religious debates on the Right, perhaps limiting his intellectual horizon, since American Christianity has at various points \u2014 and sometimes simultaneously \u2014 challenged and upheld white supremacy.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The bigger question is: what exactly is all this for? This is the question that <\/span>Whitepill <\/span><\/i>never answers, and Greer\u2019s other work likewise avoids. This book is meant to convince those who, like the author, reduce identity and belonging to race and then prioritize racial identity <\/span>concerns over all else. For Greer, other issues (such as economics or foreign policy) are of secondary importance at best. They matter only insofar as they might promote immigration restrictionism and defeat multiculturalism. Greer doesn\u2019t like conspiracies or abstract intellectualizing as part of a political movement mainly because they make it more difficult to achieve his larger goals.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Burnham\u2019s afternoon of the long knives<\/a><\/p>\n

What Greer never does is explain what exactly he believes and why. His project is an insular one, proceeding from the unstated assumption that the reader will agree with him on the importance of winning on the issues white identitarians care about; all that\u2019s left are discussions of tactics and strategy. For example, when Greer addresses abortion, it\u2019s from the perspective that those focused on the issue are<\/span> causing dissension<\/span> within the Republican coalition. He calls on pro-lifers to be grateful for what Trump has done, and calls on the Right to tune them out as political liabilities. But what if you actually believe that abortion is murder? He makes no attempt at explaining how abortion issues should fit into the white-nationalist project, except from the perspective of its political impact.<\/span><\/p>\n

To be sure, he\u2019s honest enough to sometimes acknowledge that his own preferred policies are unpopular, as he does on mass deportation. But in that case, he<\/span> explicitly says<\/span> that Trump should do it anyway (which is what pro-lifers want on abortion, too). There\u2019s something unprincipled about this approach to political analysis, though one can easily discern the underlying logic. Greer wants to submit to public opinion \u2014 that is, until the need comes to get tough on immigration. Because on that issue the Republicans need to forge ahead and do what\u2019s best for the country.<\/span><\/p>\n

In order to piece together why Greer believes that identity issues need to be paramount, one has to gather stray comments. He tells us that H-1B visas threaten to harm American workers, and that mass immigration has made cities like Minneapolis \u201chotbeds of Third-World corruption and politics dominated by ethnic spoils.\u201d But he doesn\u2019t elaborate on these points. One might ask for some data on the H-1B issue, or whether Somalis in Minneapolis, an extremely small portion of new arrivals to the country, are representative of immigrants as a general matter. Mainstream MAGA pretends that immigration leads to much higher levels of crime, but Greer seems aware that this is not true in the aggregate. By not taking up such false narratives, he is left with few tools to make the positive case for his hardline positions.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

It is important to note that Greer rejects the label of<\/span> white nationalist<\/span>. To him, though, this rejection simply implies that he accepts the American system and doesn\u2019t aspire to form an ethnostate. However, this is precisely what I would call<\/span> a worldview that<\/span> prioritizes maintaining white demographic dominance and cultural primacy. Why else consider every single form of immigration a threat, and why else should anti-white racism, especially after the vibe shift, remain such a high priority? Greer doesn\u2019t explain, but it all makes sense in the context of a racialist worldview.<\/span><\/p>\n

To Greer, the victory chronicled in <\/span>Whitepill<\/span><\/i> means that today we can just call this conservatism. It follows that white identitarianism has so successfully swept the Right that Greer doesn\u2019t even feel the need to make the first-order case for his beliefs.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

But that leaves him vulnerable to all sorts of counterarguments (which, again, he doesn\u2019t even bother acknowledging). Even as white identitarianism has ascended, one justification after another for limiting immigration has fallen by the wayside. It was once said new arrivals would boost crime. But crime has consistently fallen \u2014 despite some localized disorder and anecdotes that the Trump 2024 campaign pointed to as representative of the effects of immigration (they weren\u2019t, statistically speaking)<\/span>.<\/b><\/p>\n

Then there is the argument about migrants pushing the electorate to the Left. In her 2015 book <\/span>\u00a1Adios, America!: The Left\u2019s Plan to Turn Our Country into a Third-World Hellhole<\/span><\/i>, Ann Coulter argued that nonwhites can be expected to vote Democratic indefinitely into the future; hence, conservatives had to close the border if they hoped to win on any other issue. In 2024, however, naturalized immigrants<\/span> may well have voted<\/span> majority-Republican. Now, conservatives are reduced to complaining about competition for tech jobs, despite tech workers not making up any significant part of their coalition, and the American tech industry being such an overwhelming success that it is powering the rest of the economy and putting us at the forefront of the most important industry in the world.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some of the MAGA faithful may not see such points clearly, but Greer does. Still, he refuses to intellectually tackle them. Instead, the emotional response to immigration comes first, and justifications are simply put forward on an ad hoc basis. As the intellectual case for restrictionism gets weaker, conservative attachment to nativism only becomes more firmly entrenched.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The main premise of <\/span>Whitepill <\/span><\/i>is undeniably true. On the whole, Republicans have moved toward white identitarianism. This being America, even many of our white identitarians are diverse, with names like Nick <\/span>Fuentes<\/span><\/i>.<\/span> But there is practically no reflection here on why that is something to celebrate. The worldview presented lacks any larger conception of the good, or a belief in a politics that places an emphasis on virtue.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

To take one example, while Greer laments immigration as a threat to American culture, he is indifferent to the fact that it was his political hero, Trump, who attempted an insurrection. Greer plays down the events of Jan. 6 and ignores the larger context of what we know about Trump trying to overturn the results of the presidential election he lost. What matters is Trump, and the larger Republican Party, as vessels for demographic politics. Even when Greer admirably breaks with his own tribe, as in the case of his denunciation of conspiracy theories, it is a matter of political pragmatism in the service of his larger goals, rather than due to a commitment that honesty and truth are valuable for their own sake.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Greer has some virtues that are rare among his political tribe. He doesn\u2019t, for example, drink the entire glass of MAGA Kool-Aid. He doesn\u2019t believe that Haitians eat dogs and cats. Nor does he conveniently adopt socialist economic views to oppose immigration. Nonetheless, he is an avatar of a strand of conservatism that centers white identitarianism \u2014 without being able or willing to articulate why.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

As a pragmatist, Greer understands that identity politics for white people has worked, and can continue to be a powerful force into the future. But the sad intellectual and ethical state of his type of Right wing politics, and the hollow nature of his attempts to defend what it has become, show why even smarter versions of white identitarianism are degrading and ultimately morally poisonous.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Labour\u2019s next civil war<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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