{"id":534,"date":"2026-07-17T23:38:07","date_gmt":"2026-07-17T23:38:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=534"},"modified":"2026-07-17T23:38:07","modified_gmt":"2026-07-17T23:38:07","slug":"what-pride-tells-us-about-progressive-prejudice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=534","title":{"rendered":"What \u201cPride\u201d tells us about progressive prejudice"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

\u201cDai, your gays have arrived!\u201d yells Gwen, a pensioner, as she opens the door of Dulais Valley Lodge in the coalmining heartlands of South Wales. A group of young Londoners stand before her. They call themselves LGSM or \u201cLesbians and Gays Support The Miners\u201d. They have descended upon the mining village to lend their solidarity during the strikes of 1983 since they, too, are a group whom Margaret Thatcher dubbed \u201cthe enemy within\u201d.<\/p>\n

Read more Christopher Nolan: Hollywood\u2019s last hero<\/a><\/p>\n

It\u2019s one of a number of lines that makes its way from Stephen Beresford\u2019s 2014 film Pride<\/em> into the fabulous new stage adaptation at the National Theatre. Beresford and his co-writer, Matthew Warchus, have transformed the classic Brit-flick portraying the then-unlikely union between working-class communities and metropolitan progressives during the miners\u2019 strike into a piece of bombastic and campy musical theater. It<\/span> lands in a political milieu markedly different from the 2014 film \u2014 and certainly from LGSM\u2019s Eighties heyday. In recent years, the story recounted quite faithfully in Pride<\/em> has become a political fable of the kind beloved on the Left. Like the Jarrow Crusade, the Tolpuddle Martyrs, the Peterloo Massacre, the Paris Commune, and the Spanish Civil War before it, it is a somewhat melancholic story of a social movement that is said to have succeeded in history\u2019s long vista \u2014 in spite of near-term defeat.<\/p>\n

But where Pride<\/em>\u2019s story differs from the parables of the Left canon is in the split fortunes of the LGSM coalition. Britain now is a far-cry from the widespread homophobia of the Eighties, whose officials responded so shamefully to the HIV epidemic. When the young today are told of how Manchester\u2019s chief constable James Anderton \u2014 \u201cGod\u2019s copper\u201d \u2014 described gay men affected by HIV as \u201cswirling about in a human cesspit of their own making\u201d, they are rightly disgusted. Thatcherism failed to suppress gay rights. Within a generation, her Conservative successors would go on to denounce Section 28 and legalize gay marriage, David Cameron declaring this \u2014 in an admittedly small pool \u2014 to be \u201cone of the things of which I\u2019m proudest\u201d.<\/p>\n

But Thatcher and her heirs did succeed in shuttering British heavy industry and neutering the political weight of organized labor. Britain\u2019s breakneck deindustrialization process was faster than any other nation; even the collapsing Soviet Union wasn\u2019t so extreme. It is now a country where skilled manual work has become a niche career choice. Outside London are countless communities that have never recovered from the offshoring of their local industry.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s hard not to wonder how LGSM\u2019s visionary founding member Mark Ashton would feel about how things turned out. Mischievous as well as driven, as a young man he spent a six-month stint in the King\u2019s Cross Conservative Club undercover in drag. Played by Jhon Lumsden in Pride<\/em>, he radiates a manic confrontational energy, simultaneously pithy, erudite, roguish and possessed of a rare moral clarity. When asked why a group of gay people should come to the aid of people who persecuted them growing up, he phlegmatically retorts: \u201cBecause miners dig for coal, which produces power, which allows gay people like you to dance to Bananarama till three o\u2019clock in the morning.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ashton instinctively connected social liberty and class struggle. Millions of Brits were gay and millions worked in industry, and it was clear how contributions to the economy and social life of Britain linked the two. It would be difficult to draw the same threads together today. How does one link a piebald economy of casualized work, AI data centers, Deliveroo riders, vape shops and photovoltaic cell installers with the remaining contested battlegrounds of social liberty? It isn\u2019t quite so clear how each of us contributes to the life of the other anymore.<\/p>\n

Still, it is worth challenging the narrative that has emerged, particularly since the Brexit referendum, that these two core components of the old Labour vote \u2014 the urban progressives and the traditional working class \u2014 are somehow fundamentally opposed. The commonplace bigotry that I encountered at comprehensive school in a former pit community in the Nineties is dying. Indeed, polling by the likes of YouGov consistently disproves the stereotype of the bigoted, provincial \u201cgammon\u201d who has bewitched progressives since Brexit. People living in Britain\u2019s social mobility cold-spots, characterized by the ghosts of production lines and shipyards, are no more likely to feel animosity towards the non-straight population than people anywhere else. Where homophobia is more prevalent is within religious communities, which leaves the modern progressive with difficult scales to balance, as those people often don\u2019t resemble the middle-aged men of post-industrial England who have become their Ur-baddie.<\/p>\n

I saw the heartbreaking effects of this homophobia first-hand in 2014 \u2014 the year the movie Pride<\/em> was first released. I was a key-worker in various homeless hostels in London. One was for young people in Sydenham where roughly half of my young charges were the disowned teenage children of homophobic parents \u2014 all of whom had been taught by their religious leaders that their children\u2019s sexuality made them evil. Each case file would come with a letter from a parent containing words to the effect of: \u201cI do not support my child\u2019s lifestyle. They are no longer my child.\u201d This social and familial ostracization used to be a common part of the gay experience in Britain; activists like Ashton fought so hard to overcome it.<\/p>\n

The continuation of such attitudes within highly religious communities is a reality that most modern progressives mostly prefer to ignore. When, in 2019, a school in Birmingham was subject to a months-long campaign of picketing by Muslim parents outraged at a curriculum encouraging acceptance of LGBT+ relationships, most progressives seemed keen to shuffle the episode under the carpet. False claims that mimicked the worst of post-war-era bigotry whirled around social media: the school had a \u201cpaedophile agenda\u201d, staff were \u201cteaching children to masturbate\u201d, and children were \u201cbeing indoctrinated\u201d into homosexuality. The campaigner Amir Ahmed said that children were being \u201cconditioned to accept (gay relationships) as a normal way of life\u201d, while the Imam Mullah Bahm pronounced the school\u2019s headteacher was a \u201cshatani<\/em>\u201d (a devil) who \u201cneeded to be broken\u201d.<\/p>\n

Read more Why the British hate their councils<\/a><\/p>\n

There is little sign at present that Left progressives are prepared to challenge such bigotry today; those who did turn up, tying messages of solidarity to the school gates, later went to the police after being pelted with eggs by the protestors. If Zack Polanski, whose Green Party is buoyed by a defecting Muslim vote after Labour\u2019s Gaza failings, is following LGSM\u2019s lead of building solidarity partly as means to a cultural end, he\u2019s doing so very quietly. Meanwhile, Tribune<\/em>, the magazine built by pioneering feminists like Labour MPs Ellen Wilkinson and Barbara Castle, is now owned by the same religious-conservative businessman whose Islam Channel has been fined by Ofcom for, among other things, advocating acquiescing to marital rape as a religious duty.<\/p>\n

In this light, the ethical ethos that Ashton and his comrades held themselves to seems almost alien. LGSM were willing to put in hard yards to convince others they were on their side. Today, according to the pollsters More In Common (and anyone else who has spent any time in progressive circles), the group denoted as \u201cProgressive Activists\u201d are now the most insular citizens in Britain. They almost exclusively socialize with people who agree with them \u2014 and they are also the ones most likely to think those who don\u2019t agree with them are morally deficient.<\/p>\n

Rather than drive hundreds of miles with donations for the skeptical but depressed villages of Britain, contemporary progressives stick to their own. They are the type to respond to national news of racial tensions in the depressed estates of Teesside by organizing a night-time vigil on the other side of the country in Walthamstow. They write, read and display dense, self-flagellating books about the difficult and intellectually taxing work of \u201cnot being a racist\u201d. They swap Labour councillors for Green councillors in cities already full of Low-Traffic Neighborhoods and car-use penalties, reacting with shock when the small council budget allocations that aren\u2019t already taken by elderly care don\u2019t allow much in the way of revolutionary change.<\/p>\n

In many ways, this is a politics of resigned indignation. One that has given up on Britain\u2019s potential and instead built a members-only club inside of her major cities. The Mark Ashton of 1983 would surely feel a sense of disappointment. Progressivism may hold the kind of cultural dominance that previous generations could only have dreamed of \u2014 but it has also become an insular subculture. Outsiders are, if not the enemy, irrelevant.<\/p>\n

Pride<\/em>\u2019s relevance today is in the contrast it sets out between LGSM and the modern activist. Rather than cultivating the necessary humility to find common purpose between groups of people, a culture of social media-incentivized extremism and righteous indignation has turned many on the Left into sniffy inquisitors, not entirely convinced that the poor are good enough people to be worth helping.<\/p>\n

The National Theatre is Pride<\/em>\u2019s second stop after a stint in Cardiff. It isn\u2019t clear whether the play will then go on tour, but it\u2019s worth noting that if it does, it\u2019s unlikely to visit the parts of Britain permanently broken by the end of the miners\u2019 strike. Though it is a play that would be ideal for neglected England, it might be almost exclusively applauded by an audience of comfortable Londoners. I wonder whether that is what Ashton would have wanted.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Pride is at the National Theatre until 12 September. Friday Rush tickets are available.<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more Israel doesn\u2019t need friends<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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