{"id":476,"date":"2026-07-10T04:40:42","date_gmt":"2026-07-10T04:40:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=476"},"modified":"2026-07-10T04:40:42","modified_gmt":"2026-07-10T04:40:42","slug":"count-binface-a-serious-fool","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=476","title":{"rendered":"Count Binface: a serious fool"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Nothing better illustrates the state we are in than the fact that this summer the country\u2019s most convincing democrat is a pseudo-aristocrat cosplaying as a receptacle for household waste. Count Binface \u2014 the <\/span>nom de guerre<\/span><\/i> of the comedy writer Jonathan David Harvey \u2014 is likely to be Nigel Farage\u2019s only opponent of consequence in Clacton.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Justice for \u2018Citizen Vigilante\u2019?<\/a><\/p>\n

This was never part of the joke. Harvey has stood against each incumbent prime minister and London mayor since 2017. Like the licensed fool of old, Binface existed to puncture pretension from the safety of the margins, his purpose corrective rather than competitive. Yet in Clacton, the fool finds himself inheriting the responsibilities of a ruling class missing in action. Binface is the establishment. Apr\u00e8s Binface: le d\u00e9luge<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

The popular misconception is that the character belongs to that all-too-familiar, dreary, disillusioned British genus of affectionate political nihilism. The nation has a talent for converting disappointment into panel-show persiflage, stretching from <\/span>That Was the Week That Was<\/span><\/i> to <\/span>Have I Got News for You<\/span><\/i>. But Harvey is a more interesting figure than that. He is a stand-up and writer with background in television comedy, and credits that include the Westminster satire <\/span>The Thick of It. <\/span><\/i>But he is, at heart, a defender of democracy; he has spent two decades anatomizing political absurdity without ever surrendering to the fashionable conviction that politics itself is absurd. Astonishingly, he remains a radical.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Comedy, by Harvey\u2019s own account, was first an escape from a difficult childhood with a bibulous, domineering father, then a way of surviving the sudden death of his diabetic, morbidly obese brother. <\/span>His memoir, A Fan for All Seasons, <\/i>chronicles a painful year spent wandering from sporting event to sporting event after discovering Dan\u2019s body in his London flat, searching in the rituals of spectatorship for a way of making grief publicly bearable. One begins to understand why someone so preoccupied with civic ritual should eventually end up standing in elections dressed as a piece of municipal infrastructure.<\/span><\/p>\n

It was only after this sporting odyssey that Harvey emerged in the political arena, confronting Theresa May in Maidenhead in 2019. (He initially adopted the \u201cLord Buckethead\u201d persona which had previously been wheeled out by a rotating cast of performers.) He later recalled: \u201cThursday night I was in a sports hall in Maidenhead. Sunday morning, I was flown first class to New York to appear on John Oliver. It was the weirdest experience of my life.\u201d It would have been an excellent point at which to become a professional ironist. Harvey chose a more curious vocation instead.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The easiest posture in our age of institutional exhaustion is cynicism. But it has its costs. As David Foster Wallace observed, \u201cirony is the song of a bird that has come to love its cage\u201d. Harvey\u2019s bin cosplay has resisted that temptation. And for every daft Binface pledge \u2014 nationalize Adele; make Piers Morgan emission-free by 2030, etc \u2014 there is an decent one. It\u2019s hard to maintain that British life would not be improved if we were indeed to ban the use of speakerphones on public transport. At one hustings, Harvey remembers a voter saying: \u201cI can\u2019t believe Binface is making the most sense of all the candidates.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

His gloriously absurd manifestos conceal beneath their delirious surface an unexpectedly coherent political disposition: abolish the House of Lords; clean up Britain\u2019s rivers; build houses; invest in public transport; return the Parthenon Marbles; tie ministers\u2019 salaries to nurses\u2019 pay; house the homeless before the royal family acquires its seventh palace; make Thames Water executives swim in their own excrement-encumbered effluent. Much of this is of course indistinguishable from old fashioned municipal socialism.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n

His jokes may be bait. But the politics are earnest. When Harvey promises to build \u201cat least one affordable home\u201d, the punchline is not the number but the implied accusation that every supposedly serious politician\u2019s housing pledge has become less believable than his own. The target is never democracy but bad government.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

But most revealing of all is Harvey\u2019s attitude to elections themselves. Asked by the <\/span>Big Issue<\/span><\/i> why people should vote, he scarcely mentions Count Binface: \u201cI\u2019m more interested in the idea that people vote at all because democracy is a very precious thing.\u201d Every Brit, he argues, should treasure the right to stand for election, \u201cno matter how idiotic the get-up\u201d. The campaigns raise money for Shelter. Eradicating homelessness is repeatedly described as one of the manifesto\u2019s \u201ckey tenets\u201d. The publicity is only a means to that end. This is an almost embarrassingly unfashionable creed.\u00a0<\/span>Strip away the \u201cintergalactic space warrior\u201d mythology and what remains is recognizably social-democratic \u2014 not revolutionary in the Marxian sense, certainly, but possessed of that civic egalitarianism of a Cromwellian vintage which assumes the commonwealth ought to be run in the interests of its citizens rather than, say, Bangkok-based crypto speculators or someone called \u201cPosh George\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Confronted with the possibility of becoming Farage\u2019s principal opponent by default, Harvey\u2019s first instinct was not triumphalism but disbelief. He told the <\/span>Guardian<\/span><\/i> he had been preparing for a relaxing return to his supposed home planet, Sigma IX, before Farage \u201cself-detonated\u201d, forcing \u201ca swift intergalactic handbrake turn\u201d. Asked what he would do if Clacton <\/span>actually <\/span><\/i>elected him, he merely replied that he would \u201cdo my very best to represent them\u201d. He came close to campaigning for the removal of Clacton pier before somebody pointed out that it was by the sea, not in the House of Lords.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The striking thing here, though, is that Count Binface risks being the the last social democrat standing. Britain\u2019s Overton window, never a particularly capacious aperture by continental standards, has in recent years contracted still further. Labour has shown the Corbynites to the door with the brisk efficiency of a club steward removing a spivvy guest, while the Conservatives have hurriedly buried whatever bizarre ideological enthusiasm it was that briefly animated the Truss interlude.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Are we all a little bit ADHD?<\/a><\/p>\n

The dispiriting upshot has been the better part of a decade governed, if not by a formal coalition, then by something rather more insidious: a <\/span>pens\u00e9e unique<\/span><\/i> so pervasive that party labels increasingly resemble matters of branding rather than belief. In 2023, the <\/span>Economist<\/span><\/i> christened its heroine \u201cMs Heeves\u201d, a composite stitched together from the managerial instincts of Rachel Reeves and Jeremy Hunt, much as an earlier generation spoke of \u201cButskellism\u201d to describe the comfortable convergence of Rab Butler and Hugh Gaitskell.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

These days, it might be appropriate to speak of Starmenoch or even Burnoch. But the invidious comparison flatters the present settlement. Butskellism at least presided over an argument about the distribution of prosperity; today\u2019s orthodoxy contents itself with administering degrowth more competently than the other chap. SW1 remains as theatrically adversarial as ever \u2014 PMQs still proceed with all the decorum of a boxing match \u2014 but the ideological chasm between the front benches has narrowed to the width of the despatch box itself.<\/span><\/p>\n

One may quarrel indefinitely over fiscal rules, denouncing a tax-to-GDP ratio of 35% as Bolshevism and 32% as neoliberalism; or over the precise degree of performative cruelty to be directed at asylum seekers. But anything touching the larger architecture of Britain\u2019s political economy \u2014 the distribution of wealth; the ownership of land and capital; the country\u2019s constitutional settlement; even the purpose of the state itself \u2014 is ruled out of order.<\/span><\/p>\n

Increasingly, the electorate has declined to play along. Brexit was one expression of the new peasants\u2019 revolt; Reform is another. Equally eloquent is the subtler protest of abstention. Turnout, a stately 84% in 1950, settled into the high 60s through the 2010s before slumping to barely 60% at the election that carried Starmer into Downing Street.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Seen in one light, the Clacton caper is proof of the point that Farage has been making all along \u2014 namely that British politics is controlled by an Establishment cartel that is now engaged in an all-out coordinated war against both him and his politics. Farage resigned his Commons seat after the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards opened investigations into his failure to declare a \u00a35 million personal gift from his sugar daddy, the crypto-Croesus Christopher Harborne. Rather than await the slow ecclesiastical processes of Westminster discipline, which might eventually have ended in suspension and a recall petition, Farage leapt ahead, testing himself against the people of Clacton instead. He also reminded them that: \u201cI could go out and try and make some real big money. I could go to the USA, where I\u2019ve got plenty of offers\u201d, which will no doubt go down extremely well on the Essex seafront.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The open question is whether the response of Britain\u2019s sensible parties in declining to stand against him is the tactical masterstroke that their press cheerleaders seem to think. Kemi Badenoch dismissed the contest as a \u201cfake\u201d election, while Labour, the Lib Dems and the Greens unanimously refused to lend legitimacy to Farage\u2019s stunt. And yet together the exnominated parties have conspired to prove Farage\u2019s core point \u2014 that they are indeed \u201call the same\u201d and will do anything to preserve the status quo. Labour in particular has form here. When Farage first descended upon Clacton in 2024, Labour HQ set about stripping resources from its own local campaign, dispatching its characterful candidate, Jovan Owusu-Nepaul \u2014 who was \u201cgetting more retweets than Keir Starmer\u201d, according to a party source (shocker) \u2014 to more electorally profitable territory in the West Midlands and leaving local activists aghast that the party appeared content to grant Farage an unobstructed run. Even then, the instinct was less to defeat Reform but to contain it.<\/span><\/p>\n

One hesitates to improve upon an opponent\u2019s script so generously. For years Farage has insisted that Westminster is not a genuine arena of political disagreement but a single interchangeable establishment, united less by ideology than by its instinct for cartel behavior whenever an insurgent threatens the settlement. <\/span>One might have expected his centrist adversaries to resist the caricature. Instead, they have enacted it with touching fidelity.\u00a0Against the dismal backdrop of this <\/span>de haut en bas<\/span><\/i> consensus, Harvey\u2019s intervention becomes easier to understand. He is doing what the establishment doesn\u2019t dare to do, which is actually to participate in democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, he offers a critique of political celebrity. At precisely the historical moment when every ambitious politician has become the curator of an increasingly elaborate personal brand \u2014 Farage himself used the word \u201cinfluencer\u201d in his Clapton speech \u2014 Harvey performs the opposite maneuver. He abolishes the individual altogether. The bin is an anti-charisma machine. It is commonplace and probably entirely accurate to note that Farage is the 21st century\u2019s canniest political operator as well as its most recognizable figure \u2014 and without Farage, Reform would be nowhere. Against all this, the bin performs an act of almost monastic self-abnegation.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

It asks a question almost indecent in its simplicity: if a proposal sounds perfectly sensible when uttered by a man dressed as a bin, why has Westminster spent so many years insisting that it was impossible?<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more The Trump Accounts\u2019 false promise<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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