{"id":452,"date":"2026-07-07T23:10:28","date_gmt":"2026-07-07T23:10:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=452"},"modified":"2026-07-07T23:10:28","modified_gmt":"2026-07-07T23:10:28","slug":"jd-vances-convenient-catholicism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=452","title":{"rendered":"JD Vance’s convenient Catholicism"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

JD Vance was the first real writer to appear on a winning presidential ticket since Woodrow Wilson in 1912. Each embodied the fashions of his age. Wilson owed his cerebral reputation to dry academic essays in the Political Science Quarterly<\/em>. Vance, meanwhile, is the master of the preferred medium of American millennials \u2014 the \u201cpersonal essay\u201d. His raw material is \u201clived experience\u201d; his method is \u201cautoethnography\u201d. His life, even his inner life, is elevated to the status of data. Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>, a personal essay in book form, was a phenomenon. It propelled its author to within a heartbeat of the presidency.<\/p>\n

Read more America: land of the cheats<\/a><\/p>\n

Personal essays, it seems, have always been Vance\u2019s bread and butter. Even at Yale Law School, he was busy writing personal essays instead of studying law. The first draft for what became Hillbilly Elegy<\/em> was submitted as a 60-page paper for a class on international business transactions; what exactly it had to do with international business transactions remains unclear. He wanted to use his lived experience to do social-science analysis of the \u201cills befalling working-class white people\u201d. Swap \u201cwhite\u201d for any other racial identity, or for \u201cqueer\u201d or \u201ctrans\u201d, and one is left with the sort of solipsistic, self-indulgent claptrap that conservative intellectuals, Vance\u2019s modern-day cheerleaders, tend to castigate as \u201cwoke\u201d.<\/p>\n

Hillbilly Elegy<\/em> was not simply the narration of an exotic and unusual life \u2014 as was, say, the memoir of another politically-ambitious 30-something Ivy League graduate, Barack Obama\u2019s Dreams From My Father<\/em>. Vance\u2019s book aspired to be serious political science. It held the key, it was claimed in 2016, the year in which it had the good fortune to be published, to understanding the rise of Donald Trump. Even in Britain, where nobody had ever heard of Jackson, Kentucky or tasted Mountain Dew, the lived experience of this cherubic Ohioan was believed to say something meaningful about Brexit and the \u201cRed Wall\u201d.<\/p>\n

It is ironic that the people who most dislike the Vice President today, and whom he dislikes the most in return, were exactly the sorts who gave him his start. The Financial Times<\/em> and the Economist <\/em>were among Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>\u2019s biggest evangelists. His message, after all, appealed to them: the \u201cautoethnography\u201d was ultimately in service to an old-fashioned, pull-yourself-up-by-your-bootstraps liberalism. Some passages could have been written by Samuel Smiles or Margaret Thatcher. \u201cWe spend our way to the poorhouse\u201d, Vance wrote of his hillbilly kinsfolk; \u201cthrift is inimical to our being\u201d.<\/p>\n

Vance has been on quite a journey since then, documented in a trickle of personal essays. At long last, he has treated us to a fully-fledged sequel to the book that made his name. Communion<\/em> is, its subtitle says, about Vance\u2019s return to faith. In fact, it is a broader Apologia pro vita sua<\/em>, presenting a self-flattering account of his many conversions since 2016. It therefore considers his conversion to MAGA and his conversion to a kind of anti-liberalism and anti-capitalism, alongside his conversion to Roman Catholicism. All these, he makes clear, are closely linked.<\/p>\n

Communion<\/em> is written in the same folksy, syrupy style as Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>. Vance\u2019s first book began with a faux-modest apology, and in Communion<\/em> he likewise occasionally pleads for his readers\u2019 clemency: \u201cKeep reading\u201d, he says amid one long-winded digression, \u201cthere\u2019s a point here, I promise\u201d. The main difference in style arises from Communion<\/em>\u2019s affected piety. The sweariness of Hillbilly Elegy<\/em> is toned down. Mamaw, one of the great characters of modern American literature, used to curse like a sailor; at one point she asks a young JD, then questioning his sexuality, if he wants to suck dicks. In Communion<\/em>, Mamaw has lost some of her edge: now she lamely refers to \u201ceffing crooks\u201d and \u201ceffing perverts\u201d. The word \u201cbullshit\u201d appears right at the beginning of Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>. Clean-mouthed, Ned-Flanders Communion<\/em> ends with a nauseating \u201cAmen\u201d.<\/p>\n

Much of Communion<\/em> narrates Vance\u2019s shifting relationship with Christianity. It retreads the relevant sections of Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>, occasionally quoting them at length. After some adolescent Bible-thumping, Vance saw the light of atheism, and combined this in his student years with a love for Ayn Rand. In this, he was fairly typical of young men of this milieu, \u201cfreethinkers\u201d who found refuge online from the superstitions that stifled them at home. He still shows a nostalgic familiarity with their main totems, notably Christopher Hitchens and Reddit.<\/p>\n

Why, then, did Vance convert? One of his reasons is that religious people are the most rational and sane. His evidence is his lived experience of the presidential election of 2016. He describes seeing people, elite media types, wailing and thrashing about as it became clear that Trump was on course to win. Quite understandably, he concluded that these people \u201cneed psychological help\u201d. \u201cIf Hillary Clinton had won\u201d, he continued, \u201cmy evangelical, Trump-loving father would have turned off the TV, prayed, and said, \u2018Well, I hope she ain\u2019t as bad as I feared\u2019\u201d.<\/p>\n

That comparison called into question his prior assumptions: \u201cI had thought that my father was an irrational religious man\u2026, and that these newsroom criers were sensible, logical people.\u201d There is a glaring problem here, however. When Joe Biden beat Trump in the election of 2020, the prevailing attitude among Trump\u2019s followers was a far cry from \u201cI hope he ain\u2019t as bad as I feared\u201d. Nor was this the attitude of JD Vance himself, then freshly emerged from the baptismal font. In 2021, as his political ambition was brewing, he described Biden\u2019s victory as \u201cunfair\u201d. He was picked as Trump\u2019s running mate in 2024 in large part because he cleaves to the dogma of his new faith: that the election was rigged.<\/p>\n

Vance offers the President more than just obsequiousness. His youth and intellectual vigor are supposed to balance out his boss\u2019s dotage. Vance hopes to be the first millennial in the White House. Indeed, Communion<\/em> is a millennial book, through and through, its themes springing straight from the generation\u2019s roster. Aside from \u201cwork-life balance\u201d, there\u2019s a jab at something an author of a different bent would call \u201cmansplaining\u201d: those \u201cinsufferable tirades by above-average guys who think they\u2019re brilliant\u201d. Vance details his own sub-Seth-Rogenite college years: \u201cDude\u201d, he asks a friend, \u201care you in love with this chick?\u201d Once it has moved to more serious political terrain, many of the book\u2019s barbs are aimed at the \u201cBoomer leadership\u201d \u2014 a group from which President Trump is curiously exempted.<\/p>\n

Communion<\/em>, as a result, preaches a millennial faith. It is telling that Catholicism ends up, in Vance\u2019s life, as a substitute for therapy, a way for him to \u201cdeal with his past\u201d. Its politics are of a similar vintage: generic post-Crash progressivism. That may be a strange ideology to impute to a Republican, but there it is. \u201cI\u2019m uninterested in making people servants to the economy\u201d, he says, as though shouting into a megaphone at Occupy Wall Street in 2011: \u201cthe economy ought to be serving us\u201d. The part of the book which sets out his political vision \u2014 a foretaste, perhaps, of the presidential campaign to come \u2014 is awash with such Sandersesque bluster. He repeatedly criticizes his own party for being \u201cfar too willing to worship the market\u201d. He anyway seems just as eager to abjure his past Randian libertarianism as his New Atheism.<\/p>\n

A Protestant ethic, the ethic of thrift, might have suited the liberalism of Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>. His new Catholicism likewise suits this postliberal, anti-market shift. In Catholicism he has found some support for his semi-sarcastic, sophomoric suggestion that \u201cmaybe economics is just fake\u201d. Vance extols the \u201cskepticism of free market theory\u201d which he finds in the \u201cCatholic Church\u2019s ancient social doctrine\u201d. When he inveighs against the \u201cgods of GDP\u201d, he can cast himself as the inheritor to a venerable tradition of Catholic social thought, critical of \u201cconsumerism\u201d, \u201cindividualism\u201d, and other vices of modernity, in the mold of Pope Leo XIII, G.K. Chesterton, or Dorothy Day.<\/p>\n

Read more Meet Ulster\u2019s young Orangemen<\/a><\/p>\n

One can believe that Vance is a sincere Catholic, and a sincere postliberal, while also considering some of the more cynical motivations at play. One theme of Communion<\/em> is the author\u2019s obsession with status. He knows that this used to inform his beliefs and ideas. His past criticism for Trump gave him \u201csocial immunity\u201d, allowing him, as a conservative, to get invited to all the right dinner parties. His Ayn Rand phase used to have a similar effect: \u201ctax breaks and Social Security cuts were socially acceptable ways to be conservative among the American elite\u201d.<\/p>\n

What Vance never mentions is that Catholicism is a socially acceptable way to be conservative among the American elite \u2014 or, at least, that it grants entry to an elite of its own. At Yale Law School, even in its conservative circles, reversion to the hick evangelicalism in which he was reared would never have been an option. Evangelical churches, with their smoke machines and strobe lighting, their faith-healers and doomsday preachers, lack the gravitas that Vance was after. Protestants used to regard themselves as more serious, more intellectually rigorous, than those sensuous, emotional Papists. But now the stakes are reversed. Austere Presbyterianism isn\u2019t really a thing anymore. Even where evangelicalism is on the up \u2014 as in Brazil \u2014 this is precisely because of its flashy aesthetics and \u201cprosperity gospel\u201d. Catholicism, on the other hand, provides its initiates with an intricate intellectual pedigree. It gives them the mantle of a storied tradition. It directs them to St Augustine (Vance\u2019s patron) and Thomas Aquinas; it allows its adherents to seem \u201cdeep\u201d.<\/p>\n

The leading minds on the American Right, especially those which attended to its postliberal and communitarian turn in the late 2010s, are Catholic, whether converts like Adrian Vermeule or cradle Catholics like Patrick Deneen. The same can be said of the robustly Right-wing justices on the Supreme Court: Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett. As with any prestigious club, the Catholic Church sets some barriers for entry. Anyone and his dog can become an evangelical Christian. But to become a Catholic means that a suitably learned priest has decided that you are up to it. Vance acknowledges this directly: \u201cI really liked that the Church required you to work a little to join\u201d. Having cleared that hurdle, conversion to Catholicism brought Vance into this more refined set. If he was once drawn to atheism and libertarianism because they offered him a certain cachet, how do we know his Catholicism is any different?<\/p>\n

In America, Catholicism possesses another distinct advantage. It was never the dominant religion. It is separate from the elite WASP culture that Vance likes to spurn. In Hillbilly Elegy,<\/em> Vance felt alienated from that culture on the grounds that he was \u201cScotch-Irish\u201d rather than \u201cAnglo-Saxon\u201d; his conversion to Catholicism has since allowed him to also drop the P in that acronym. Catholicism gives him a certain fellow-feeling with other \u201cwhite ethnic\u201d hyphenated Americans, historically excluded from the WASP core \u2014 the Italians, the Irish, the Poles. Those groups used to be part of the Democratic coalition. The Catholic Al Smith ran for the presidency as a Democrat in 1928; anti-Catholic prejudice played a part in his defeat. Such prejudice was overcome in 1960, in the election of JFK, and had more or less evaporated completely 60 years later, when the Catholic Joe Biden beat Trump (fair and square). In 2024, buoyed perhaps by Vance\u2019s presence on the Republican ticket, Catholics broke solidly for Trump. Latino Catholics still tend to vote Democratic, but even they are moving Rightwards. This growing alignment between Catholicism and American conservatism, along with its outsider status, doubtless eased Vance\u2019s walk along his road to Damascus.<\/p>\n

In a similar vein, Vance seems to like Catholicism because it is an Old World religion \u2014 he says that it was \u201cquite literally a foreign religion to me, rooted in Roman influences that I had very little exposure to\u201d. It gives him and his faith a certain sun-baked sophistication. In Hillbilly Elegy<\/em>,\u00a0he describes his identity growing up as narrowly American; he lacked what many Americans possess, that feeling of being bound to a \u201cmother country\u201d. But the Catholic Vance has a real stake in Europe; so now he is better-placed to polemicize fervently about its declining fortunes. He describes himself in Communion<\/em> feeling haunted by an empty cathedral in Burgundy, and \u201cwhat that said about Europe\u2019s cultural decline and Christianity\u2019s slow evaporation from the continent\u201d. He was overwhelmed by a similar feeling of \u201cdread\u201d in England \u2014 where, in a detail that hardly lends credence to the strength of his recollections, he claims that something in his full English breakfast was \u201coozing blood\u201d.<\/p>\n

His general criticisms of Europe have much to do with his criticisms of European religion, or lack thereof: one of the causes c\u00e9l\u00e8bres in his famous Munich speech, after all, concerned the arrest of a British man for praying outside an abortion clinic. His criticism of Europe extends even to the Vatican: Communion<\/em> makes ample room for the author\u2019s frustrations with his Church. He gives an exasperated sigh over the Vatican\u2019s \u201ctrite platitudes\u201d about his administration\u2019s immigration policy. The implication here is that Rome is currently doing a poor job of tending to her flock. The energetic Catholic sheepdogs of the New World are called to guide the listless, straying Catholics of the Old.<\/p>\n

JD Vance became a Catholic rather than a different type of Christian because Catholicism today is the thinking man\u2019s Christianity. As Candace Owens \u2014 not, herself, much of a thinking woman \u2014 supposedly remarked to Charlie Kirk before he was murdered: \u201cYou\u2019re too smart to be a Protestant\u201d. In Communion<\/em>, Vance describes a friend named Sam, another convert to Catholicism. He would go on \u201cextended rants about the Reformation and immigration\u201d, and thought America\u2019s ills could all be traced to John Calvin. Here is a character familiar to anybody who has rubbed shoulders with young conservatives at elite institutions.<\/p>\n

The problem for Vance now, however, is that he cannot only speak for those high-brow Catholic Right-wingers. He may wish, no less fervently than Adrian Mole, to be a Malcolm Muggeridge; but he is also the Hillbilly Vice President, the tribune of the plebs. He cannot leave his own people behind. He has therefore had to fuse his two personas into one. This is why Communion<\/em>, a book about Catholicism, shows on its front cover a Methodist church. It is why its subtitle talks generically about \u201cfinding my way back to faith\u201d \u2014 rather than the faith. It is why he describes his 2022 Senate campaign in Ohio \u2014 whose population is 46% Protestant, 16% Catholic \u2014 as an effort to make \u201cmore explicitly Christian arguments about the economy\u201d, even though he says these arguments are what attracted him to Catholicism specifically. He probably can\u2019t even play up his Catholicism now too much, lest there be persistent traces, in Middle America, of Protestant chauvinism. He cannot, like his friend Sam, launch into diatribes about Calvin. His political ambition requires him to be ecumenical.<\/p>\n

What, then, does Communion<\/em> mean for America, the country which, two-and-a-half years from now, its author may well be leading? Time and again, reading the book, it struck me that Vance\u2019s ideal society, the America he hopes to build, is sleepy, southern, ancien r\u00e9gime Europe. He wants something like the Portugal of that other Catholic public intellectual turned statesman, Antonio Salazar: a country built on a foundation of Catholic social teaching, one sapped of prosperity and dynamism, but where everybody goes to church. He wants a society where people care less about work; he waxes nostalgic about the \u201cblessings\u201d of being raised in a \u201cmultigenerational household\u201d. In Vance\u2019s America, in his crusade against the Protestant Ethic, \u201cGDP\u201d is a dirty word, and the chief problem in Europe is declining church attendance rather than declining wealth. It is difficult to imagine such an America putting a man on Mars. It is also difficult to imagine such a schoolmarmish message resonating with most Americans.<\/p>\n

The seeds for Vance\u2019s conversions \u2014 both from secularism to Catholicism, and from liberalism to post- or anti-liberalism \u2014 were, he suggests in Communion<\/em>, sown before 2016 and even further from Rome. Revealingly, they first took root in a general denunciation of American culture. As a soldier in Iraq, among Christian and Muslim Arabs, he encountered a \u201cgenuinely compelling critique\u201d of that culture in the fear that, if Iraq grew too \u201cAmericanized\u201d, it would become too \u201cconsumerist and hypersexualized\u201d. He then paints a picture of a contrast between one culture, pious, austere, morally upstanding, and another one, wayward and decadent. \u201cA woman in a niqab was reading the Quran\u201d, he quotes from some fellow Catholic intellectual, \u201cand a man was rocking while praying, and on the TV was Britney Spears dancing in her underwear\u201d. Which of these cultures does JD Vance prefer? Catholic his answer may in fact be; but it does not strike me as very American.<\/p>\n

Read more Blue Labour\u2019s last chance<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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Each embodied the fashions of his age. Wilson owed his cerebral reputation to dry academic essays in the Political Science Quarterly. 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