{"id":37,"date":"2026-05-23T04:11:23","date_gmt":"2026-05-23T04:11:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=37"},"modified":"2026-05-23T04:11:23","modified_gmt":"2026-05-23T04:11:23","slug":"the-twilight-of-the-intellectual-dark-web","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=37","title":{"rendered":"The twilight of the intellectual dark web"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Once upon a time, Jordan Peterson was seen as something like the Galileo of anti-wokeness. No longer. Following a highly publicized struggle with benzodiazepine addiction, requiring extended treatment overseas, the erstwhile academic seems a shadow of his former self. Just last month, his daughter Mikhaila delivered the news that \u201cdad\u201d is again suffering from sustained neurological complications \u2014 casting a shadow over his once-relentless public presence.<\/p>\n

Read more Inside the capture of the BBC<\/a><\/p>\n

At his peak, Peterson was a true force to be reckoned with: one of the first Anglosphere academics to stand up to the madness not only of gender ideology, but of the excesses of wokeness more generally. When nearly everyone else was too afraid to speak up, Peterson planted his flag against the crybullies. Following his resignation from the University of Toronto, and ejection into the wilds of self-employment, thousands of frustrated people began discovering Peterson\u2019s psychology lectures on YouTube.<\/p>\n

That space, far from the petty tyranny of campus HR officers and faculty subcommittees, is one many still believe offers the ultimate balance between freedom of thought and financial gain \u2014 especially when combined with social media fame. Peterson\u2019s trajectory, alongside that of others in what came to be called the \u201cintellectual dark web\u201d, suggests otherwise. More than that, far from providing the space to explore new and challenging ideas, social media fame demands a brand of conformity every bit as anti-intellectual as its progressive mirror.<\/p>\n

The intellectual dark web, as a phrase if not a movement, emerged from an unlikely source: The New York Times<\/em>. The term was coined in 2018, by then-columnist Bari Weiss. The Free Press <\/em>founder would, of course, go on to have a varied and dramatic career herself, but in those early days she looked to others for inspiration. That included Peterson, but also Bret Weinstein, Christina Hoff Summers, Sam Harris, Steven Pinker and Jonathan Haidt.<\/p>\n

In her piece, Weiss praised Peterson and the rest\u2019s willingness to \u201cdisagree ferociously, but talk civilly about nearly every meaningful subject\u201d, as well as their readiness to be \u201cpurged from institutions that have become increasingly hostile to unorthodox thought \u2014 and have found receptive audiences elsewhere.\u201d Weiss wasn\u2019t wrong there. But what she didn\u2019t anticipate, a pattern reflected in her own trajectory too, is how those \u201creceptive audiences\u201d would ultimately constrain these same \u201cheterodox\u201d thinkers.<\/p>\n

To understand Weiss\u2019s enthusiasm you must first appreciate the political context of 2018. With Trump\u2019s first term riven by liberal angst and pussy-hat protests, there was much talk of a new heterodox movement that could finally question the assumptions of the emerging woke orthodoxy.\u00a0By its very nature, the concept of \u201cheterodoxy\u201d entails something almost Marxian in the sense of the theorist\u2019s famous call for a \u201cruthless criticism of everything that exists.\u201d And while that might seem odd coming from intellectuals on the Right, in those early days the idea of building new, fearless institutions, ones that encouraged a relentless criticism of all sides, seemed not only necessary but possible. That possibility has since evaporated.<\/p>\n

In the same way it\u2019s now clear that Trumpism amounts to little more than a corrupt, less competent version of Bush-era neoconservatism, it\u2019s equally obvious that the heterodoxy once promised by Peterson, Weinstein, and Weiss amounts to little more than a reaction to the social excesses of Obama-era wokeness \u2014 echoing, in a thinner and much less serious form, the communitarian philosophical movement of the Eighties.<\/p>\n

Like today\u2019s heterodox push, communitarianism\u2019s campaign against the narcissism of the Sixties \u201cme generation\u201d was quickly co-opted by both the establishment Left and establishment Right. But while communitarianism never amounted to much policy-wise, it at least produced volumes of serious scholarship. Philip Selznick, for instance, warned that market logic was eroding the moral foundations necessary for democratic life, while Michael Sandel\u2019s critiques of hyper-individualism challenged the notion that people could be understood merely as atomized consumers.<\/p>\n

More recent heterodox enthusiasts simply lack these insights. Just look at Peterson. Over the last few years, he has devolved from an earnest Toronto professor to an archetypal over-tanned Arizona snowbird, one who claims that Marx was summoning the power of the Devil. Or else there\u2019s Weiss, who first rose to prominence criticizing the feminist Left\u2019s embrace of antisemites \u2014 but whose brand of \u201cviewpoint diversity\u201d now leaves little space for thoughtful critiques of Wall Street, tech monopolies or Israel.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s clear, at this point, that the intellectual \u201cheterodoxy\u201d movement died on the vine. \u200b\u200bWhatever promise heterodoxy had is now long gone, with Peterson most recently becoming a podcast host on Ben Shapiro\u2019s shamelessly partisan Daily Wire<\/em> operation.<\/p>\n

Peterson, then, is no Galileo \u2014 and that\u2019s a pity. After all, he was an elegant example of Canada\u2019s Tory tradition, a brand of conservatism largely absent from US politics since the Revolution. Unlike the American Right\u2019s fixation on radical individualism and market absolutism, the Canadian Tory tradition emphasized social cohesion, moral order, and the idea that communities and institutions possess obligations that transcend pure economic efficiency. Its greatest modern theorist was the philosopher George Grant, whose 1965 classic Lament for a Nation<\/em> warned that American-style capitalism was dissolving older forms of communal life.<\/p>\n

Introducing Daily Wire<\/em> fans to ideas of a Grantian hue \u2014 or even Burke or Oakeshott \u2014 would have been a genuinely heterodox accomplishment. How frustrating, then, that once the professor became an American media personality, he did little more than mimic the wealthy libertarian mentality that punk rock critics like Jello Biafra once dubbed \u201ckill the poor\u201d.<\/p>\n

How to explain the heterodox crowd\u2019s dreary lack of economic imagination? Part of the answer lies in the fact that most of its leading figures never truly departed from the assumptions of market liberalism. Peterson, for instance, has repeatedly argued that inequality is an unavoidable feature of \u201ccompetence hierarchies\u201d, while describing redistributive politics as driven mostly by \u201chatred of the rich\u201d. Sam Harris, meanwhile, has often spoken about populist economics as though it were merely another form of irrational tribalism.<\/p>\n

This is surely a marker of the IDW\u2019s financial success. It\u2019s easy to demean people reliant on government \u201centitlements\u201d when you\u2019re given multi-million-dollar contracts to host podcasts without any journalistic experience. If you just \u201cclean your room,\u201d \u201cwork hard\u201d and \u201cshow up,\u201d everything does indeed work out for you: assuming, that is, you\u2019re considered a prodigy from a very young age.<\/p>\n

Read more The end of Japanese pacifism<\/a><\/p>\n

Funding is important in other ways too. Much of the seed money for the Daily Wire<\/em>\u2019s initial startup came from the Texas billionaire brothers Farris and Dan Wilks, Christian nationalists in their social bent and Social Darwinists in their economics. These billionaire brothers also fund Ted Cruz, PragerU, and, of course, Donald Trump\u2019s presidential campaigns. Little wonder almost none of the big-name heterodox critics, aside from outliers like Musa al-Gharbi, dare touch income inequality or issues of class \u2014 because even raising those questions remains professionally radioactive.<\/p>\n

I speak here from direct experience. When I taught in one of the country\u2019s first higher education civics departments at Arizona State University, there was plenty of talk both publicly and privately about \u201cviewpoint diversity\u201d. That even included welcoming \u201cheterodoxy.\u201d And so, for three years, I hosted a podcast for my department, one that said positive things about labor unions and which expressed skepticism that middle-class harmony could ever return without them. Then, all of a sudden, within weeks of publishing some work sympathetic to New Deal-style social safety nets, the director of the program informed me that my podcast would now have to be \u201csupervised\u201d by their marketing director.<\/p>\n

This 28-year-old staffer now had to edit all my podcast interviews, without my ultimate approval, before they went live on the university\u2019s public media platform. Otherwise, the project would be immediately stripped of all its funding. When I refused and reported the issue to the university\u2019s faculty ombudsman, my department director refused to meet with him, then swiftly filed paperwork to cancel my teaching contract for the following year. (Yes, this type of thing is completely legal in red states).<\/p>\n

Overnight, I went from being invited to events all across \u201cheterodox\u201d academia, receiving awards I hadn\u2019t applied to, to being effectively blacklisted. I had touched American politics\u2019 forbidden fruit \u2014 but isn\u2019t that exactly what heterodox thinkers are supposed to do?<\/p>\n

Apparently, intellectual heterodoxy and all its calls for \u201cviewpoint diversity\u201d do not include welcoming anything that challenges the economic fundamentals of our low-wage, low-benefits neoliberal order, an economic paradigm where nearly all productivity gains are funneled to the tech industry, real estate hoarders, and market speculators. All those injustices are just fine for the heterodox crowd, it seems, so long as we get rid of DEI schemes and gender pronouns in email bios. Economically speaking, it\u2019s the same arrangement with different branding.<\/p>\n

Wokeness has always been a convenient distraction from the fact that the middle-class equilibrium that once underwrote liberal democracy has vanished and shows no signs of returning. In its place we have credentialed serfdom, institutional capture, and a cultural caste system dressed up in platitudes about \u201cequity\u201d and \u201cinclusion.\u201d<\/p>\n

Of course, we cannot talk enough about the damage done when higher education institutions across the English-speaking world abandoned the pursuit of truth in favor of fashionable concepts of \u201csocial justice\u201d. Yet a broader development is that contrarian thinkers \u2014 no matter their political bent \u2014 have been forced out of the academy entirely. The right to put forth unpopular ideas, which tenure was meant to protect, is simply no longer possible inside higher education, while the disappointments of the \u201cheterodox\u201d gang prove that social media stardom provides no sanctuary either. If anything, it just imposes a different kind of conformist pressure.<\/p>\n

As Andrew Keen presciently argued a decade ago, social media not only produces but practically demands what he called the \u201cculture of the amateur\u201d. After being cast out of their academic positions, Peterson \u2014 as well as Weinstein, who left a job at Evergreen State College under similar circumstances \u2014 had almost no choice but to lean into their fame among the online Right and make the best of it. Whether by hook or by crook, they both ended up becoming little better than any other podcast talking head riffing on contemporary political topics and international affairs, subjects neither man studied nor worked in professionally. The result? Embarrassing displays like Weinstein\u2019s cringe-worthy 2020 proposal for a \u201cunity\u201d presidential ticket: pairing a center-left and center-right candidate selected through online polling to run jointly for the presidency. The problems with such an idea are too obvious to dwell on. But that\u2019s just the culture of the amateur running its course.<\/p>\n

For scholars to pursue knowledge without the audience pressure that comes from journalism and modern mass media, they ultimately need three things. First, the space and time to pursue their studies. Second, a community of knowledgeable and earnest interlocutors who can sharpen their ideas and push back on pitfalls. Third, a stable income independent of random funders with political axes to grind.<\/p>\n

Academic peer review was designed for just this purpose, but it long ago broke down. It\u2019s simply far too easy for journal editors to \u201cdesk reject\u201d ideas they don\u2019t like, flatly refusing to send work out for review \u2014 or else purposefully sending undesirable research to reviewers who\u2019ll reject it \u2014 based on cherished orthodoxies or to protect the reputation of favored colleagues.<\/p>\n

This doesn\u2019t mean peer review is unnecessary, nor that a genuine heterodox movement couldn\u2019t prosper. It just means that, as with so much else in contemporary politics, we were promised one thing and delivered another. The communitarians, for their part, benefited from doing their best work at a time when peer review and academic hiring were still mostly non-ideological. Their heterodox successors, of course, enjoyed no such luck. And if that led to an intellectual collapse, I\u2019d also argue that the unhealthy incentives foisted on the IDW have led to a striking degree of personal suffering.<\/p>\n

Whatever demons Selznick or Sandel may have faced, their far gentler milieu meant they could easily slip back into obscurity. Unfortunately for Peterson, his health struggles have become a punchline on both the online Right and Left. But this bipartisan fixation on the oddity of his condition \u2014 armchair diagnosing it, mocking it, politicizing it \u2014 obscures what Peterson\u2019s sad trajectory actually reveals. The Canadian\u2019s fall from grace is not just a personal failing, nor merely a story of fame gone wrong. It reflects, rather, how the absence of any stable, supportive intellectual home reduces heterodox thinkers to circus acts, dancing for the nickels of the donor class and moronic reply guys.<\/p>\n

Inside academia, heterodox work is still very much constrained, if not actively punished. Outside it, the incentives of audience capture, donor pressure, and constant performance distort it to the point that those attempting to sustain heterodox thought become caricatures of themselves \u2014 unstable, unreliable, and easily dismissed by the institutions they once challenged. And no wonder. Wokeness was never a glitch in the neoliberal order, instead reflecting, as the communitarians understood, the natural outgrowth of instrumentalist reasoning and deepening inequality. Both are part and parcel of liberal capitalism pushed to its functional limits. What a shame that heterodoxy as currently constituted leaves all of this untouched.<\/p>\n

Read more How Trump and the neocons beat Thomas Massie<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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