{"id":348,"date":"2026-06-23T23:09:38","date_gmt":"2026-06-23T23:09:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=348"},"modified":"2026-06-23T23:09:38","modified_gmt":"2026-06-23T23:09:38","slug":"the-great-labour-brain-drain","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=348","title":{"rendered":"The great Labour brain drain"},"content":{"rendered":"
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How awkward is it that the last great hope of the Labour Left should have the NHS\u2019s first hospital privatization tucked away in his curriculum vitae? Long before he became the patron saint of bus franchising and the scourge of centralization, Andy Burnham found himself grappling with the institutional collapse of Hinchingbrooke Hospital in Cambridgeshire. The solution eventually chosen, under a procurement process initiated on his watch and completed by the Coalition, was not public oversight or any of the old socialist remedies, but outsourcing management to Circle Health, a private company. Why storm the commanding heights when you can outsource their management? The irony was not lost on Nick Clegg, who could quip in 2014 that Burnham was \u201cthe only man in England who has ever privatized an NHS hospital\u201d.<\/p>\n

Read more The far-Right\u2019s Polish love affair<\/a><\/p>\n

Time was when the Labour Left did ambition. Whatever one thinks of Tony Benn, and opinions divide sharply, nobody could accuse him of thinking small. His 1975 Alternative Economic Strategy, a patriotic blueprint for autarky, envisaged public ownership on a colossal scale, capital controls, industrial planning, tariffs to protect domestic manufacturing, and a self-respecting state capable of directing investment towards national priorities. At one point, he floated the nationalization of Britain\u2019s 25 largest companies. The aim was not merely to regulate capitalism but to grab it by the lapels and reorder it through state action. To Benn, the struggle against capitalism and the struggle for national sovereignty were inseparable. His socialism amounted to a species of Anglo-Gaullism. The objective was to ensure that Parliament, rather than plutocrats or Eurocrats, ruled Britain.<\/p>\n

That patriotism informed Benn\u2019s hostility to the European Economic Community \u2014 Euroskepticism was then still an honorable, even intellectually formidable, tradition on the Labour Left. Benn regarded the EEC not as a post-national panacea but as a constitutional straitjacket designed to frustrate democratic control over the economy. If Westminster could not direct investment, subsidize industry, regulate capital flows or protect strategic sectors without running afoul of Brussels, then the entire project of socialist transformation became an elaborate exercise in make-believe. Compared with today\u2019s notionally Left-wing Europhilia \u2014 which often amounts to little more than a Pavlovian urge to applaud whatever annoys the Tories and, latterly, Reform \u2014 Bennite Euroskepticism at least rested on a clutch of thoughtful and well-articulated premises.<\/p>\n

Benn, moreover, was not some lonely crank muttering socialist incantations and shouting from the backbenches. By the late Seventies and early Eighties, much of the Labour Left shared his conviction that Britain\u2019s economic malaise demanded structural remedies rather than desultory managerial tinkering. Michael Foot, now remembered chiefly as a disheveled romantic in a donkey jacket, led a party committed to an astonishing program of economic intervention. The 1983 manifesto promised new public enterprises in electronics, pharmaceuticals, and high tech; proposed renationalizing key assets; advocated extensive industrial planning; and sought to extend democratic control over economic life. To modern ears, accustomed to politicians boasting about breakfast clubs and advising men to whisper \u201cmaaaate\u201d at misogynists, the sheer scale of the ambition feels almost foreign.<\/p>\n

Yet there was a minor snag. Bennism never came remotely close to persuading the proletariat. The 1983 manifesto may today read like the last serious attempt by the British Left to think systematically about power, but it also delivered Labour\u2019s worst post-war result. For an electorate still haunted by inflation and strikes, nationalization and withdrawal from the EEC looked less like a program for renewal than a recipe for further turmoil. Nor was the electorate the only obstacle. The Labour Left spent almost as much time arguing with itself as it did with its opponents. Benn and Foot did not exactly belong to a single political tendency. Foot\u2019s subsequent reputation as a wild-eyed Bennite firebrand was always somewhat exaggerated. An old-fashioned parliamentary socialist, he romanticized the Commons in a way Benn never did. He also regarded some of Benn\u2019s more ambitious proposals with skepticism, describing the idea of nationalizing Britain\u2019s 25 largest companies as \u201ccrazy\u201d. Where Benn sought to remake Labour, Foot often sought to hold it together, preserving a heteroclite coalition that still stretched from Tribune<\/i> socialists to elements on the Labour Right.<\/p>\n

For all their differences, both men possessed something now largely absent from Labour politics: a theory of power. They believed that Britain\u2019s problems stemmed from the structure of ownership: a state in hock to a rentier class that preferred inflating house prices to financing factories; a financial system that found speculation and offshoring more profitable than domestic production, and democratic institutions hollowed out by budget cuts and Brussels. The central question, as Benn saw it, was not simply how wealth was distributed but who possessed power, and whether democratic institutions retained the capacity to challenge it. Reflecting on his years in government, he wrote in one of his voluminous diaries: \u201cAs a minister, I experienced the power of industrialists and bankers to get their way by use of the crudest form of economic pressure, even blackmail, against a Labour government.\u201d<\/p>\n

Burnham\u2019s politics, by contrast, start from the tacit assumption that the argument has already been settled and lost. Finance will remain dominant. Capital will remain mobile. The ownership of the economy is no longer a political question but a fact of nature, somewhere between gravity and the weather. As one former colleague put it, Burnham\u2019s beliefs are \u201cnot ideological\u201d but rooted in \u201cpeople\u2019s daily experiences\u201d. Benn began with a theory and worked downwards to policy; Burnham begins with a conversation in Morrisons and works upwards towards a philosophy. The commanding heights have disappeared into the mist; the task now is to ensure that the buses arrive roughly on schedule. Benn wanted to socialize the economy. Burnham is content with contactless ticketing.<\/p>\n

The retreat began long before Burnham. Neil Kinnock\u2019s achievement as party leader from 1983 onwards was not to construct a new theory of power, but to dismantle the old one in the shadow of Thatcherism. After the electoral catastrophes of the early Eighties, Labour\u2019s id\u00e9e fixe<\/i> became electability rather than transformation. It accordingly spent 40 years sanding down its ambitions in pursuit of intermittent office, trapped in a vicious circle whereby each electoral victory was achieved by abandoning the very ideas that might have justified it. Public ownership was quietly downgraded, trade-union power curbed, Euroscepticism abandoned, and socialism itself pushed into the loft conversion alongside conference samizdat<\/i>. Yet Kinnock never quite replaced what he had discarded. Labour shed policy after policy without offering much in the way of a positive alternative. By the time he left office in 1992, the party had become more respectable but intellectually thinner, more adept at winning the confidence of ordinary Brits before elections than improving their lives afterwards. The ambition to stem decline had given way to the more modest goal of reassuring Middle England that Labour\u2019s bark was worse than its bite.<\/p>\n

John Smith represented a further step down the mountain. An insufferably moralizing chap, he looked less like a tribune of the working class than a Scottish bank manager who had wandered into the wrong conference. Smith grasped that Labour needed constitutional reform, decentralization and a more liberal conception of politics, but he lacked both the temperament and the time for anything more audacious, preoccupied as he was with the battle over One Member One Vote. Where Labour once dreamed of reindustrialization and redistribution, it now devoted its energies to redesigning the method by which delegates selected the shadow cabinet.<\/p>\n

Read more Don\u2019t shed tears for Keir<\/a><\/p>\n

With Blair and Brown, the comedown became complete. New Labour in power accepted not merely the institutions of Thatcherism but many of its underlying assumptions. The task was no longer to challenge the dominance of finance but to manage it more effectively; not to reverse globalization but to adapt to it; not to democratize economic power but to skim enough tax revenue from the City to finance a few public services. By the end of the Blair-Brown years, finance accounted for a larger share of the economy than ever, manufacturing had shrunk further, and vast swathes of public expenditure were being funneled through private contractors. The party had moved from promising to assume the commanding heights to Cool Britannia.<\/p>\n

If New Labour represented the abandonment of Labour\u2019s old ambitions, Ed Miliband represented their uncertain rediscovery. The timing ought to have been propitious. The Conservatives were imposing the most severe fiscal retrenchment in a generation. Real wages were stagnant, public services under pressure, and the financial crash had discredited the hubris of many a Hayekian. Yet Miliband proved strangely unable to convert this conjuncture into a compelling alternative. Though he flirted with a critique of \u201cpredatory capitalism\u201d and occasionally hinted that his marxisant father Ralph might have been right all along, he never developed these instincts into a coherent political project. The whole unhappy experiment culminated, appropriately enough, in the EdStone. Unveiled in a Hastings car park during the 2015 election campaign, the two-tonne limestone monolith bore a handful of pledges so anodyne \u2014 \u201ca strong economic foundation\u201d, \u201chigher living standards\u201d, \u201can NHS with the time to care\u201d \u2014 as to be quite meaningless. The stone was intended for Downing Street\u2019s rose garden; instead, it became a monument to Labour\u2019s inability to explain why it deserved power. Faced with a choice between austerity and tax-and-spend, the British electorate displayed a touching preference for someone else\u2019s suffering. Miliband\u2019s defeat duly followed.<\/p>\n

In the aftermath, Labour briefly returned to something resembling Bennism in the form of Corbynism. The program amounted to moderately higher public spending \u2014 raising the state\u2019s share of GDP from roughly 40 to 45%, bringing Britain closer to its continental peers \u2014 alongside the renationalization of selected utilities and a modest industrial revival: hardly the storming of the Winter Palace. A surprising number of voters appeared to recognize as much in the snap election of 2017. Yet his leadership was undone two years later by fifth columnists and a cackhanded commitment to two referendums \u2014 Brexit and, potentially, Scotland \u2014 at precisely the moment when the public wanted none. The Labour Left thus contrived to squander what may have been its last once-in-a-generation opportunity.<\/p>\n

Now, with Starmer\u2019s purges having culminated in the discovery that even the purger can one day become the purgee, we are witnessing the extraordinary recrudescence of the Labour Left. Starmer survived the paid-for clothes and Mandelson\u2019s penchant for removing his own but not Burnham\u2019s by-election victory. The irony is that the Labour Left\u2019s great returning hope arrives not bearing a new economic settlement but a municipal case study, albeit a successful one.<\/p>\n

Yet the more remarkable fact is that Burnham may now inherit the Labour leadership, and with it the premiership, without ever being forced to explain what, precisely, he believes. His supporters treat his coronation as a foregone conclusion. That is curious. For a party supposedly rediscovering its radical tradition, there has been remarkably little appetite to subject its newest savior to public scrutiny. The Conservatives spent much of the past decade airdropping prime ministers into Downing Street and presenting the electorate with a fait accompli<\/em>. Unlike them, though, our future prime minister is an empty signifier.<\/p>\n

Burnham\u2019s backers speak reverently of \u201cManchesterism\u201d, but it is not entirely clear what the term means beyond competent local government. The flagship achievement of his mayoralty has been fixing Greater Manchester\u2019s bus network. The policy has been successful enough: usage in the first franchised areas rose by around 8%, punctuality improved, and the city\u2019s now-iconic yellow buses have become a visible symbol of municipal renewal. Yet there is an undeniable mismatch between the scale of the achievement and the scale of the claims made for it. Britain\u2019s productivity growth has averaged barely 0.5% annually since the financial crisis. Business investment remains among the lowest in the G7. Housing construction consistently falls short of demand. The country\u2019s capital stock is aging, its infrastructure creaks, and regional inequalities remain among the highest in the developed world. Against this backdrop, Burnham\u2019s prime ministerial pitch appears to amount largely to better buses.<\/p>\n

What is missing is the very thing that animated Benn, Foot, and even, in his own coy fashion, Corbyn: an explanation of how the economy works. Burnham can tell you who broke Britain \u2014 \u201cthe four horsemen of Britain\u2019s apocalypse are deregulation, privatization, austerity, and Brexit\u201d \u2014 but he has remarkably little to say about what should replace the existing model. His cri de coeur<\/i> is \u201cbusiness-friendly socialism\u201d, whatever that focus-grouped inanity might mean. Perhaps this accounts for his popularity. A Labourist Zelig elevated by the party machine, he has built a career on being all things to all people. Whether this party trick will work in power as it has in party intrigue remains to be seen.<\/p>\n

Read more How Britain lost control<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

How awkward is it that the last great hope of the Labour Left should have the NHS\u2019s first hospital privatization tucked away in his curriculum vitae? Long before he became the patron saint of bus franchising and the scourge of centralization, Andy Burnham found himself grappling with the institutional collapse of Hinchingbrooke Hospital in Cambridgeshire. 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