{"id":340,"date":"2026-06-22T23:09:14","date_gmt":"2026-06-22T23:09:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=340"},"modified":"2026-06-22T23:09:14","modified_gmt":"2026-06-22T23:09:14","slug":"a-second-milei-rises-in-colombia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=340","title":{"rendered":"A second Milei rises in Colombia"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

On Sunday, Colombians narrowly <\/span>elected<\/span> the Right-wing lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella to the presidency with 49.7% of the vote against ruling-party nominee Iv\u00e1n Cepeda\u2019s 48.7%. Cepeda\u2019s loss also heralds a sad conclusion to Colombia\u2019s first Left-wing government under incumbent President Gustavo Petro. Amid an ongoing conservative wave in Latin America, de la Espriella\u2019s victory is another win for the Trump administration and its \u201cDonroe Doctrine.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

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Above all, de la Espriella is more or less Colombia\u2019s answer to Argentina\u2019s Right-wing populist President Javier Milei: bombastic, cartoonishly subservient to US power, wont to break but not to build. His victory is a testament to Colombian progressives\u2019 folly in adopting the climate, security, and identity politics of the Western Left.<\/span><\/p>\n

Much like President Trump, de la Espriella fits the Right-wing <\/span>archetype<\/span> of the outsider businessman, complete with allegedly dubious deals and flamboyant self-promotion. In the Colombian\u2019s case, the <\/span>millions<\/span> came from his legal firm and his extracurriculars include recording <\/span>music videos<\/span> and shamelessly promoting self-branded luxury goods on his <\/span>eponymous podcast<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

De la Espriella has been derided as <\/span>el abogado de la mafia<\/span><\/i>, \u201cthe mob\u2019s attorney,\u201d for representing clients like Colombian narco-paramilitary warlord Salvatore Mancuso and Colombia\u2019s former President \u00c1lvaro Uribe (2002 \u2013 2010). The most consequential is Uribe, who is alleged to have run death camps with Mancuso\u2019s United Self Defense Forces of Colombia, racking up <\/span>thousands<\/span> of civilian casualties while conducting war against FARC, the Left-wing guerillas-cum-drug dealers. De la Espriella previously made the unrealistic promise to nominate Uribe as his vice president. For his part Mancuso, who served time in the United States for drug trafficking, claimed in 2025 that he and de la Espriella were <\/span>childhood friends<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

As an attorney, de la Espriella also represented Colombian-Venezuelan businessman Alex Saab between 2014 and 2019, long after the latter\u2019s ties to the former Venezuelan dictator Nicol\u00e1s Maduro were well known. On May 19, Saab was <\/span>extradited<\/span> to the United States for allegedly <\/span>laundering $350 million<\/span> via American banks for the Maduro regime. Days later, the Colombian journalist Daniel Coronell published documents showing that de la Espriella received almost <\/span>$400,000<\/span> in illicit funds from Saab\u2019s companies. <\/span><\/p>\n

In his own words, de la Espriella\u2019s international role models are Trump, Argentina\u2019s Javier Milei, and El Salvador\u2019s Nayib Bukele. From Bukele, de la Espriella has borrowed his appearance \u2014 the two men look remarkably similar \u2014 and his hard-line security policies. But by far, his greatest influence is Milei, who anthropomorphizes himself as a lion in accordance with libertarian social Darwinism. In the same vein, de la Espriella styles himself <\/span>El Tigre<\/span><\/i>, often engaging in song and dance with AI-generated felines at his rallies.<\/span><\/p>\n

Like Milei, de la Espriella professed elite libertarian views before launching his presidential bid. Up until recently, his market fundamentalism came paired with <\/span>vocal support<\/span> for euthanasia, abortion, and adoption by same sex couples. The issue, of course, is that this combination of progressive social views and market worship is repellent to the working class. De la Espriella now claims that he evolved on these issues, exalting the traditional family and calling abortion \u201can abomination.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

More dubious still is his conversion from godless globalist to a Catholic patriot. In 2017, de la Espriella stated in an interview that he denied the existence of anything that reason can\u2019t explain. When asked why he married his wife through the Catholic Church, he <\/span>replied<\/span>, \u201cWe all commit foolishness and stupidities for love.\u201d In the same vein, the millionaire attorney is a tri-citizen of Colombia, Italy, and the United States, and lived abroad in Florence and Miami for at least a<\/span> decade<\/span> prior to his campaign.<\/span><\/p>\n

Recognizing these vulnerabilities, de la Espriella now claims that he <\/span>found God<\/span> in 2020 following his aunt\u2019s death from Covid, though pre-campaign evidence of his religiosity is scant. Now, the president-elect champions Christian nationalism and has adopted the slogan <\/span>Firme por la patria <\/span><\/i>\u2014 \u201cfirm for the fatherland.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In practice, this firmness seems to involve a great deal of deference to Washington \u2014 or rather, southern Florida\u2019s Trump World. This month, de la Espriella stated that he <\/span>voted<\/span> for Trump and is a registered Republican in the United States. He has also celebrated the White House\u2019s extrajudicial killings of alleged \u201cnarco-terrorists\u201d near Colombian waters, though none of the victims have been<\/span> proven<\/span> to have engaged in drug trafficking. Undaunted, de la Espriella has gone so far as to say that he would welcome <\/span>US strikes<\/span> inside Colombia.<\/span><\/p>\n

Much of this explains why de la Espriella\u2019s victory was so slim. Petro, moreover, will leave office as the most popular Colombian leader since Uribe. After spending much of his term mired in telenovela-esque scandal and identitarian excesses, Petro engineered a stunning turnaround that saw his approval ratings recover to nearly <\/span>50%<\/span>.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In 2024, the administration passed a pension reform expanding coverage for almost 14 million Colombians, including some <\/span>3 million seniors<\/span> living in extreme poverty. Petro also restituted around <\/span>1 million<\/span> out of a total of 3 million hectares for victims displaced by guerrilla conflict. Jhon, an ex-soldier and displaced person from rural Tolima, told me that his hometown had since flourished thanks to government investment, including improved infrastructure and rural health care. \u201cPeople are growing coffee and bananas again,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Petro administration also passed a historic <\/span>labor reform<\/span>, reducing the workweek to 42 hours and restoring workers\u2019 rights and benefits that were previously cut by Uribe. Workers now receive overtime worth an additional 35% of wages after 7 p.m., as opposed to 9 p.m. previously, in addition to 90% overtime on weekends and holidays in 2026, set to rise to 100% next year. Additionally, the government has raised the minimum wage around 40% in real terms since 2022, including an unprecedented 23% hike for 2026. Contrary to scaremongering about job losses and \u201cVenezuelization,\u201d poverty and unemployment have fallen to <\/span>record lows<\/span>.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

So why, then, did so many Colombians vote for a politician who can only be described as a MAGA-Miami asset?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

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The answer is that Petro\u2019s pro-worker turn proved too little, too late. In recent years, much of the Latin-American Left has taken to the activist-academic progressivism of the Western Left, which largely appeals only to credentialed cosmopolitans. Cepeda\u2019s<\/span> margins<\/span> with working-class Colombians fell decisively relative to Petro in 2022. Supporters will inevitably fixate on de la Espriella\u2019s surge among fickle, middle-class voters, but this ignores serious failings of policy by the Leftist establishment.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Colombia produces virtually no fossil-fuel emissions, yet Petro halted all novel oil exploration under the pretense that humanity has <\/span>12 years<\/span> to avoid extinction from climate change. Around half of government revenue derives from the sale of petroleum, most of which comes from the state firm Ecopetrol. Yet Petro resolved to <\/span>destroy Ecopetrol<\/span>, whose revenue collapsed by more than half during his term. Up until 2025, Colombia was wracked with <\/span>stagflation<\/span> \u2014 low growth, high inflation \u2014 a predictable consequence of the government\u2019s energy sabotage.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Catastrophically, Cepeda\u2019s campaign remained committed to the outgoing president\u2019s climate fundamentalism, despite a spiraling <\/span>energy crisis<\/span>. In a show of sheer stupidity, Petro and Cepeda put Ecopetrol\u2019s <\/span>union<\/span> in the impossible position of choosing between labor rights and the promise of renewed exploration under de la Espriella. To his credit, the president-elect has committed to a commonsense, all-of-the-above strategy that includes fracking (which Petro has described \u2014 try not to roll your eyes \u2014 as a \u201ccrime against humanity\u201d).<\/span><\/p>\n

Security was also a top concern among Colombians. When it came to tackling common crime, particularly in urban areas, Petro has embraced \u201ccriminal-justice reform\u201d of the kind that has hobbled cities run by Democrats the world over. His government attempted \u2014 and <\/span>thankfully failed<\/span> \u2014 to reduce prison sentences for crimes like murder. He also condemned <\/span>building prisons<\/span> for fear of perpetuating \u201cmass incarceration.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Asked by a youth influencer about how he would respond to someone breaking into his own home, Petro <\/span>waxed philosophical<\/span> on criminals as victims of society. In contrast, de la Espriella has promised to build <\/span>mega-prisons<\/span> modeled on Bukele\u2019s in El Salvador.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dealing with the militarized cartels, guerrillas, and Right-wing paramilitaries that dominate parts of the Colombian countryside is a different matter, however. Petro\u2019s record on this front, while poor, is roughly comparable to that of his post-Uribe predecessors. Since 2022, Colombia\u2019s high national homicide rate, about <\/span>25 per 100,000<\/span>, has remained stable. While cocaine production has soared to a\u00a0<\/span>record high<\/span>, critics omit that production has risen consistently since 2012. Accordingly, Petro has seized record amounts of the drug.<\/span><\/p>\n

In contrast, Petro\u2019s \u201cTotal Peace\u201d initiative \u2014 negotiating peace deals or terms of surrender with multiple armed groups simultaneously \u2014 has created more problems. In May, infighting within a FARC splinter group led to nearly <\/span>50 dead<\/span> in the Colombian Amazon. The competing factions were allegedly torn between guerrillas interested in negotiating with Petro and others keen on exploiting illicit economies.<\/span><\/p>\n

Norberto, a schoolteacher and de la Espriella supporter, told me he wasn\u2019t opposed in principle to talks with armed groups but felt that Petro lacked an iron fist and follow-through during negotiations. Indeed, the architect of Total Peace was none other than Cepeda, Petro\u2019s heir and would-be successor, who doggedly refused to explain what, if any, changes he would make to the policy as president. Then again, de la Espriella\u2019s promises of mass bombings, perhaps conducted by Washington, are unlikely to meaningfully improve security in the countryside; Petro\u2019s predecessor, Iv\u00e1n Duque, tried a similar strategy with mixed results.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

More broadly, the problem with <\/span>the president-elect\u2019s promise<\/span> to imitate Bukele on law and order, is that Colombian courts, unlike their Salvadoran counterparts, are unlikely to tolerate an <\/span>indefinite suspension<\/span> of due process. Even then, the example of Noboa\u2019s Ecuador shows that <\/span>autocratic methods<\/span> may still prove insufficient against militarized cartels as opposed to simple street gangs; de la Espriella himself has noted that Colombia\u2019s <\/span>drone-specialized<\/span> armed groups are far better-equipped than El Salvador\u2019s street gangs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Colombians have taken a gamble on de la Espriella. Yet \u2014 as with Petro \u2014 they are likely to be disappointed. Indeed, it is likely that Colombia will descend into mass unrest by year\u2019s end. Like his Right-wing peers elsewhere in the region, the president-elect is enamored with Milei\u2019s \u201cchainsaw austerity,\u201d which he aims to enact via a Trumpian executive decree. Promises to <\/span>privatize<\/span> all state companies and slash 40% of public employees are certain to deliver <\/span>mass protests<\/span> identical to those in Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile.<\/span><\/p>\n

The saddest part about the president-elect\u2019s market fundamentalism is that \u2014 unlike with the cartoonishly mismanaged Argentina \u2014 there simply is no case for mass cuts in Colombia. The Andean nation\u2019s debt-to-GDP is just <\/span>60%<\/span>, compared to Argentina\u2019s whopping <\/span>more than 150%<\/span> in 2023. Colombia\u2019s deficit is admittedly high at <\/span>more than 6%<\/span>, yet critics neglect that mass cuts would kill economic growth, thereby increasing total debt. Much like Petro\u2019s dogmatic capture on climate change, de la Espriella is equally captured by a fanatical hatred of public services; ironically, the bulk of Colombian public employees form part of the country\u2019s desperately needed armed forces.<\/span><\/p>\n

There is a painful lesson here for the Latin-American Left. Mexico\u2019s Morena under Presidents AMLO and Claudia Sheinbaum remains the only ruling party Left-of-center in the region to have won re-election since 2020. Sheinbaum, a climate scientist, has championed the state oil firm Pemex and even pushed to expand <\/span>fracking<\/span> in tandem with renewables. And contrary to her image as a progressive heroine, the Mexican president and her hard-line security minister, Omar Garc\u00eda Harfuch, have <\/span>tripled<\/span> Mexico\u2019s incarceration rate, leading to a historic reduction in homicides. Wage hikes have likewise been <\/span>steeper<\/span> in Mexico.<\/span><\/p>\n

Until Left and Right can get it into their heads that voters despise their respective groupthink \u2014 on climate change, crime, market fundamentalism, and worship of foreign interests \u2014 they will continue to alternate power in the most destructive manner possible. It remains to be seen whether <\/span>de la Espriella and the<\/span> current crop of Right-wingers in the Americas stave off a bloodbath in the next wave of elections.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more Why Andy Burnham won\u2019t Rejoin<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On Sunday, Colombians narrowly elected the Right-wing lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella to the presidency with 49.7% of the vote against ruling-party nominee Iv\u00e1n Cepeda\u2019s 48.7%. Cepeda\u2019s loss also heralds a sad conclusion to Colombia\u2019s first Left-wing government under incumbent President Gustavo Petro. Amid an ongoing conservative wave in Latin America, de la Espriella\u2019s victory […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":339,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[117],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-340","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-latin-america"],"yoast_head":"\nA second Milei rises in Colombia - \u0421ity Flow Journal<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=340\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A second Milei rises in Colombia - \u0421ity Flow Journal\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On Sunday, Colombians narrowly elected the Right-wing lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella to the presidency with 49.7% of the vote against ruling-party nominee Iv\u00e1n Cepeda\u2019s 48.7%. 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Cepeda\u2019s loss also heralds a sad conclusion to Colombia\u2019s first Left-wing government under incumbent President Gustavo Petro. 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