{"id":27,"date":"2026-05-22T21:43:28","date_gmt":"2026-05-22T21:43:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=27"},"modified":"2026-05-22T21:43:28","modified_gmt":"2026-05-22T21:43:28","slug":"aboriginal-violence-is-australias-blind-spot","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=27","title":{"rendered":"Aboriginal violence is Australia\u2019s blind spot"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Last month, as Australia commemorated Anzac Day and the disaster at Gallipoli, a very modern tragedy was unfolding in the country\u2019s Red Center. Kumanjayi Little Baby, a five-year-old Aboriginal girl, lived in Old Timers Creek, a town camp of nine houses on the outskirts of Alice Springs. She slept in a dilapidated building on a ripped and stained mattress, surrounded by empty bottles of bourbon. She was largely nonverbal and had also been the subject of over a dozen child safety notifications since her infancy \u2014 half since mid-March.<\/p>\n

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It is not known how many of these reports were investigated and if any were substantiated. What we do know is that on Saturday 25 April, the girl vanished. According to the child\u2019s mother, she was put to bed at around 11.30pm that night. She was later seen outside holding the hand of a repeat violent criminal, Jefferson Lewis, an Aboriginal released from prison six days earlier after serving time for various violent offenses. Apparently unwelcome in the community where he\u2019d been ordered to go, he\u2019d washed up in Old Timers and started drinking.<\/p>\n

After news broke of the child\u2019s disappearance, hundreds of people joined the search. The nation held its breath. The search turned up Lewis\u2019s shirt, a child\u2019s underwear and a duvet cover. Dread set in. And her body was found on 30 April, in a dry river bed a small distance from her home.<\/p>\n

The national debate reignited our fraught argument about Aboriginal disadvantage and collective guilt. But more than that, the young girl\u2019s shocking death reveals the political stalemate that has set in around Indigenous policy since the 2023 referendum to enshrine an Indigenous \u201cVoice to Parliament\u201d was voted down. While daily life brings an onslaught of symbolic gestures \u2014 land acknowledgments, Aboriginal place names \u2014 in far-off spots like Old Timers, desperate children are abandoned to their fate.<\/p>\n

As news of Kumanjayi Little Baby\u2019s fate spread, fear turned swiftly to rage. When police found Lewis, later the same day in another town camp, locals had beaten him unconscious (he has since been charged with murder and two other offenses that cannot be published under territory law). After Lewis was transferred to hospital, about 400 angry people rioted outside demanding he be handed over for traditional justice, \u201cpayback\u201d. Police and emergency services\u2019 vehicles were attacked. Businesses were damaged and shops looted, according to video evidence later released by the Northern Territory\u2019s police chief. \u201cWhat you see is criminal behavior, plain and simple,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

What happened next is instructive. Asked to comment on the public disorder, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese reminded the nation that \u201cliterally hundreds and hundreds\u201d of people had come together to search for the child. \u201cWe want to see the community come together,\u201d he added, \u201cbut we certainly understand people\u2019s anger and frustration.\u201d\u00a0Others agreed. Sean Kelly, a\u00a0Sydney Morning Herald<\/em> columnist and former Labor government adviser, reflected favorably on Albanese\u2019s restraint because to immediately condemn the violence would have been \u201cthe easiest thing in the world\u201d.<\/p>\n

Only, the evidence suggests the opposite is true. For the Prime Minister, and indeed for much of the center-left, it\u2019s apparently the hardest thing in the world to speak plainly about violence in Aboriginal communities \u2014 and how that violence too often endures under cover of preserving Indigenous \u201cculture\u201d. If ever the ritual accusations of the intellectual Left about \u201csystemic racism\u201d in Australia were to land with moral force \u2014 accusations that erupt each time an Indigenous person dies in custody or is shot by police \u2014 it was surely now.<\/p>\n

But political progressives have responded with little more than platitudes that this tragedy be a \u201cturning point\u201d on tackling Indigenous disadvantage. That, and homilies on \u201ccentering\u201d the little girl\u2019s family in the fallout as they observe the \u201csorry business\u201d, the cultural protocols around mourning.<\/p>\n

After meeting with Kumanjayi Little Baby\u2019s mother, Malarndirri McCarthy, the federal Labor government\u2019s Indigenous Australians Minister, said she wanted to say that it was clear the child was very loved. But, alas, deep love and chronic neglect have never been mutually exclusive.<\/p>\n

It fell to the political Right to say as much, and none as powerfully as Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price \u2014 also, as it happens, the dead girl\u2019s aunt. In a searing and desperate speech to Parliament last week, she described a \u201chands-off ideology\u201d that meant officials were silent about alcohol abuse, dysfunction and violence in Indigenous communities for fear of being called \u201cracist\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u201cBut,\u201d Price said, \u201cit\u2019s not racist to speak the truth.\u201d<\/p>\n

The truth, in this case, invites profoundly uncomfortable questions. I\u2019ll deal with them in roughly ascending order of sensitivity, starting with how was a violent repeat offender such as Lewis allowed anywhere near children? Do we need tougher sentencing, even though Indigenous people, especially in the Northern Territory, are already\u00a0cited\u00a0as the most incarcerated in the world?<\/p>\n

What of Old Timers itself, a place so chaotic and dangerous that, even inside her home, Kumanjayi Little Baby was allegedly prey to someone like Lewis? What of the Indigenous-run, taxpayer-funded Tangentyere Council Aboriginal Corporation, responsible for managing and maintaining Old Timers and the other camps around Alice? What to make of revelations that salaries for senior management at the Corporation doubled last financial year to more than A$1 million, while residents can\u2019t get front-door locks repaired?<\/p>\n

And what of the other town camps, and remote communities more generally, both in the Territory and elsewhere in the country? These camps were established in the Seventies, when discrimination meant Indigenous Australians were prohibited from living in towns; others have since sprung up to accommodate people traveling from remote communities to access services in urban areas.<\/p>\n

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Around 1,000 people live in the town camps around Alice. Some are reportedly orderly, with residents traveling to and from work. Others, says Price, \u201ccan be hell-holes\u201d. \u201cRelics\u201d and \u201cseparatist precincts\u201d, says Senator Kerrynne Liddle, also from the center-right opposition. Should governments keep funding these dysfunctional communities? Mal Brough, a former Indigenous affairs minister in John Howard\u2019s conservative government, thinks they shouldn\u2019t \u2014 and regrets his own decision to authorize new housing in remote communities. Though he concedes that much investment has been driven by \u201cgenuinely good intentions\u201d, that\u2019s \u201cnot enough if the practical outcome is that generations of children grow up exposed to violence, trauma, neglect and hopelessness\u201d.<\/p>\n

That leaves perhaps the hardest question of all, the one the Indigenous Australians Minister was presumably attempting to head off when she emphasized how much Kumanjayi Little Baby was loved by her family: should at-risk Indigenous children be removed from their families when they cannot be placed with Indigenous kin or carers? The center-Right Territory government has ordered a review into the child protection department, and last week announced existing child protection laws will be changed to ensure child safety is \u201cthe primary consideration\u2026 regardless of background.\u201d This has angered\u00a0Indigenous advocates because it sparks memories of the so-called \u201cStolen Generations\u201d \u2014 Aboriginal children wrenched from their families under what is widely understood to have been a policy of forced assimilation, and which left a legacy of dislocation and cultural alienation.<\/p>\n

Taken together, these policy dilemmas are about the limits of an idea that has been central to progressive ideology since the Seventies: self-determination for the country\u2019s Indigenous people. The push by Aboriginal Australians to control their own lives came as the nation began to reckon with its racist past, from the frontier massacres of the colonial era to the segregationist policies that forced Indigenous people onto reserves and missions, where they were often exploited as cheap labor. Later, under assimilation policies, many were displaced from their communities \u2014 while still facing restrictions on entering towns such as Alice Springs.<\/p>\n

But critics argue that the shift to self-governance exacerbated social problems in some regions. Every few years, a scandal like Old Timers pierces through the news cycle to remind the public of the sickening daily violence visited on Aboriginal women and children in Outback communities \u2014 and the impotence of officialdom in stopping it. I\u2019ll spare you the roll call of the children raped, in at least\u00a0one instance\u00a0gang raped; the\u00a0toddler\u00a0raped so badly she needed a blood transfusion; the\u00a0women\u00a0beaten to death, stabbed, repeatedly run over or set on fire, at home or in the street; the inquiries and reports with their findings of systemic failures and their urgent recommendations.<\/p>\n

Amid these horrors, a pivotal moment came after a landmark 2007 Northern Territory report entitled \u201cLittle Children are Sacred\u201d. It found that the scourge of Indigenous violence was widespread, and driven by cheap grog, poor school attendance and social breakdown. Indigenous leader Noel Pearson was asked on TV whether government intervention would be described as \u201cpaternalism\u201d. He famously replied: \u201cAsk the terrified kid huddling in the corner when there is a binge drinking party going on down the hall if they want a bit of paternalism.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Howard government declared a national emergency, announcing sweeping top-down measures that would become known as \u201cThe Intervention\u201d. This involved a raft of measures, from standardized bans on alcohol and pornography, to income management, law-and-order crackdowns, a scaling up of health and employment programs, and the temporary suspension of aspects of self-governance.<\/p>\n

Whether The Intervention was successful is hard to measure. A common view among Indigenous advocates is that whatever the short-term gains, they weren\u2019t enough to outweigh the damage caused from undermining the traditional authority of elders and stripping communities of their sense of agency. Some argued The Intervention\u2019s \u201cemergency\u201d framing \u2014 even the army was brought in \u2014 was cover for a government agenda of socially engineering what anthropologist Melinda Hinkson, in the introduction to Coercive Reconciliation, an anthology of essays she co-edited with Jon Altman, describes as a \u201cnormalized\u201d Aboriginal population, \u201cone whose concerns with custom, kin and land will give way to the individualistic aspirations of private home ownership, career and self-improvement\u201d. More than that, critics argue that the \u201cNo Pornography\u201d signs at the communities\u2019 entrances were themselves enough to create a debilitating legacy of \u201cshame\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u201cShame\u201d is a word frequently used by progressives in the Indigenous debate, as is \u201cintergenerational trauma\u201d in relation to past wrongs stemming from colonization. Conservatives usually answer with concrete nouns: things like \u201cwelfare\u201d and \u201cgrog\u201d.<\/p>\n

And so it is now. Following Kumanjayi Little Baby\u2019s death, conservatives renewed their calls for federal audits of Indigenous corporations running remote communities, for national inquiries into sexual abuse and violence in Indigenous communities, for bold action. Progressives called for more government funding and resisted calls for better oversight. Governments, said the National Commissioner for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People, Sue-Ann Hunter, needed to focus not on punitive crackdowns but on \u201cservices designed by us, delivered by us and trusted by us\u201d.<\/p>\n

More frustrating still is that these debates are increasingly engulfed in meta-debates about the moral legitimacy of Australia \u2014 and indeed Western civilization more generally. It sometimes feels like extreme voices are all we hear, whether that\u2019s the hard Left re-badging Australia Day as \u201cInvasion Day\u201d, decrying Australia as a \u201csettler-colonial regime\u201d, and peddling myths of the \u201cnoble savage\u201d; or else the chauvinistic Right booing Indigenous elders during traditional \u201cWelcome to Country\u201d ceremonies at the Anzac Day dawn services \u2014 an ugly spectacle that happened last month for the second year running. Both sap the body politic of the energy and goodwill needed to fix systemic problems.<\/p>\n

But a precondition to fixing systemic problems is naming them. On the night the 2023 referendum was defeated, Anthony Albanese promised he would keep working to improve outcomes in Indigenous communities and towards reconciliation. As he told Indigenous Australians: \u201cMaintain your hope and know that you are loved.\u201d But Kumanjayi Little Baby, as we know, had plenty of love. What she needed, what she lacked, was protection.<\/p>\n

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Last month, as Australia commemorated Anzac Day and the disaster at Gallipoli, a very modern tragedy was unfolding in the country\u2019s Red Center. Kumanjayi Little Baby, a five-year-old Aboriginal girl, lived in Old Timers Creek, a town camp of nine houses on the outskirts of Alice Springs. 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