{"id":223,"date":"2026-06-08T04:10:44","date_gmt":"2026-06-08T04:10:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=223"},"modified":"2026-06-08T04:10:44","modified_gmt":"2026-06-08T04:10:44","slug":"how-the-unions-sold-out-britains-workers","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=223","title":{"rendered":"How the unions sold out Britain&#8217;s workers"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<p>On a plinth outside the Trades Union Congress headquarters in Bloomsbury stands a modernist sculpture by Bernard Meadows. Called \u201cThe Spirit of Brotherhood\u201d, it was commissioned back in the Fifties, yet remains a gleaming bronze symbol of fraternal solidarity. Showing a heroic figure reaching down, arm outstretched, to lift a fallen comrade, the statue speaks powerfully to the supreme self-confidence of the labor movement in its postwar glow, gathering the nation\u2019s trade unions and, together, campaigning for the dignity of work.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=221\">Can pubfluencers save the proper boozer?<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Today, alas, things feel very different. Where \u201cthe Left\u201d once connoted strike-prone shop stewards and horny-handed socialist rabble-rousers, today the new bogeymen for the City, the business lobbies, and the political Right tend to be soft Left MPs, picked from the serried ranks of Russell Group Labour Students societies and the progressive middle classes. And if the TUC is currently looking to downsize from its Bloomsbury pile, hardly surprising when the labor movement is now so diminished, the unity so vividly inscribed in Meadows\u2019 sculpture also feels very far away, and it\u2019s unclear whether even Andy Burnham and his protruding Northern vowels can do much to bring it back.<\/p>\n<p>The most obvious example of union fracturing is in its schools. The NEU, Britain\u2019s largest teachers\u2019 union, is currently in a bitter dispute with three of the country\u2019s largest general unions: Unite, Unison and the GMB. In essence, the disagreement centers around who gets to organize teaching assistants. That, you might think, is a rather arcane, technical dispute. Yet it has ignited fury within the Labour-affiliated mega-union, and could, according to a source familiar with the matter, even result in the teachers\u2019 suspension from the TUC.<\/p>\n<p>How to explain these oddly high stakes? Because, I\u2019d argue, they reflect broader divisions at the heart of the union fraternity \u2014 on how to combat new threats to the Left and Right, and how to deal with the realities and disappointments of the Labour government now in office.<\/p>\n<p>The old Labour Party\u2019s Clause Four once promised to \u201csecure for the workers, by hand\u00a0<em>and by brain<\/em>\u00a0the full fruits of their industry\u201d. That was because there was an acceptance that cognitive, intellectual labor was a core part of the production process, a commodity to be exploited by capital just like any other. Sections of the Left still maintain a similarly expansive definition of class identity. Mick Lynch, the former transport workers leader, recently\u00a0claimed\u00a0that \u201cif you don\u2019t own the means of production, you are working class. If you have to get up when the alarm clock goes off and do a job and you depend on your earnings rather than your assets then you are working class.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>But this Marxian approach, attempting to unite all wage-earners within a diverse proletarian cause, is broad enough to deprive the term of any useful meaning or specificity. A definition that includes doctors, academics, bank managers and creative consultants within the same category as minimum-waged warehouse workers strips the former of those nuanced and overlapping privileges, accrued through what the French sociologist Bourdieu called\u00a0habitus:\u00a0the social mores, soft skills, personal tastes, lifestyles, education and values of people who share the same background.<\/p>\n<p>These differences aren\u2019t merely superficial \u2014 least of all in Britain \u2014 but indeed result in wildly opposed political visions. Polling last week revealed\u00a0that trade unionists were more likely to support Reform than the Labour Party. The Unite leader Sharon Graham, who has openly toyed with the idea of disaffiliating from Labour, said that the numbers were \u201cdamning but not surprising\u201d, that \u201cLabour has abandoned the working class\u201d, and that, therefore, \u201cthe working class have abandoned Labour\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>But that isn\u2019t quite right. Instead of a homogeneous blob moving en masse away from their traditional partisan loyalties, we find that the working class is no longer an intelligible or coherent political bloc at all. The masses have been replaced by a networked mess of competing cultural-political factions, separated by educational, generational and linguistic chasms. Certainly, those headline polling figures conceal predictable fissures. Among trade unionists with a university education, for instance, Labour was still the more popular party, gathering 34% to Reform\u2019s 19%. Among non-graduates, however, the percentages were roughly reversed, with Reform gaining 36% to Labour\u2019s 22%. While the Greens performed well among younger trade unionists, winning among 18-24 year-olds, their support nosedives for older members.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond the numbers, meanwhile, these tensions are clear enough on the doorstep somewhere like Makerfield. In this Reform-friendly, white working-class seat, whether Burnham can still make the old language of work, place and solidarity sound vaguely plausible is being billed as an existential test for broad-church Labourism. It is, one activist tells me, a chance for \u201cproof of concept\u201d: reuniting the Left\u2019s core vote under the Labour banner while also peeling off a nice chunk of Reformers. If the labor movement\u2019s inherited unity is now more bronze sculpture than living reality, Burnham allies pray that it can now be revived by his inchoate brand of Mancunian normie populism.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=219\">Can religious families survive liberalism?<\/a><\/p>\n<p>If it\u2019s tempting, however, for the Left to appeal to the putative \u201ccommon economic interests\u201d of lecturers and Deliveroo drivers, the country\u2019s actual conditions prompt the opposite conclusion. Whether they like it or not, for example, professional-managerial workers are the beneficiaries of low-skilled migration, providing them with a cheap services class and the pleasant air of cosmopolitan vibrancy so beloved of the urban creatives, hipsters and the boho intellegentsia. No less important, these same professionals are largely insulated from the worst effects of intensifying competition for housing and jobs. That may explain why pollsters record that the white collar so-called \u201cABC1s\u201d are less likely\u00a0to think immigration is too high than the manual workers in the \u201cC2DE\u201d cohort; the lowest decile of earners saw an\u00a0over-supply\u00a0of cheap migrant labor squeeze their wages even before the Boriswave.<\/p>\n<p>On climate policy, meanwhile, adherence to net zero and all its commandments might be sacrosanct for some workers \u2014 a general mark of basic decency, say, for a sociology professor. But for those remaining in our dilapidated manufacturing sector, \u201cnet zero\u201d is more likely to be associated with high energy costs and the decimation of heavy industry.<\/p>\n<p>Unite and the GMB, both representing workers in the oil and gas fields, are regularly found arguing in favor of North Sea drilling, setting out the case against net zero, and questioning the \u201cjust transition\u201d and \u201cclimate jobs\u201d rhetoric of the mainstream center-left. They support Heathrow expansion, heavy infrastructure spending and a robust, developmentalist industrial strategy. Both unions are also reticent about adopting aggressive anti-Reform attack lines; they\u2019re fully aware that a significant part of their membership base fully supports a Right populist agenda.<\/p>\n<p>In contrast, though, the NEU has willfully engaged Nigel Farage in public rows,\u00a0describing Reform\u00a0as \u201cracist\u201d and \u201cfar Right\u201d. The Reform leader has reacted in kind, last year\u00a0telling a meeting\u00a0that he was \u201canticipating a teachers\u2019 strike very quickly\u201d if he wins a general election. Why? Because, he claimed, \u201cthey are poisoning our kids\u201d with critical race theory. For his part, Zack Polanski has spoken at both the NEU\u2019s annual conference, and at the University and College Union, the body representing lecturers.<\/p>\n<p>In the end, that rather abstruse row over teaching assistants should be seen in this context. For the teachers, flirtation with the Greens and a kamikaze approach to relations with fellow trade unions represents an opportunity for a political breach \u2014 with a movement that it thinks has become too conservative, too set in its ways, too unwilling to confidently\u00a0\u00a0Reform with a strangled cry of \u201c<em>No pas\u00e1ran!<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>All this is new, even compared to the glory days of Meadows\u2019 statue. Way back in 1900, the Labour Party was formed as the Labour Representation Committee, intended as the parliamentary wing of the trade union movement. Now, though, the old congregation is splintering into sects. And if it\u2019s too early to know what all this means for the future of trade unionism in Britain \u2014 let alone for the party that receives around \u00a310 million in union funds a year \u2014 the question now must surely be: what will Andy do?<\/p>\n<p>Happily for Graham and the other union bosses, Burnham is surely better placed than most Labour politicians to paper over the movement\u2019s fractures. With a bold economic offering, he may even persuade enough voters that Labour can go beyond the comfort zones of the progressive graduate class, rediscovering its radical roots. But a byelection victory, if it happens, will not by itself restore the lost unity of the Left, because the seams now running through the labour movement are not merely failures of what Westminster calls \u201ccomms\u201d. They are rooted, rather, in our nation\u2019s divergent experiences and incentives. As the old rallying cry went: \u201cThe workers united will never be defeated.\u201d But the next defeat, especially if it comes from an insurgent Faragism fueled by working-class disaffection, could leave a decaying broad-church labourism with little more than rusty statues.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=217\">Inside Britain\u2019s broken war machine<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>On a plinth outside the Trades Union Congress headquarters in Bloomsbury stands a modernist sculpture by Bernard Meadows. Called \u201cThe Spirit of Brotherhood\u201d, it was commissioned back in the Fifties, yet remains a gleaming bronze symbol of fraternal solidarity. Showing a heroic figure reaching down, arm outstretched, to lift a fallen comrade, the statue speaks [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":222,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-223","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-labour"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>How the unions sold out Britain&#039;s workers - \u0421ity Flow Journal<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=223\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How the unions sold out Britain&#039;s workers - \u0421ity Flow Journal\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On a plinth outside the Trades Union Congress headquarters in Bloomsbury stands a modernist sculpture by Bernard Meadows. 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