{"id":183,"date":"2026-06-02T04:16:00","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T04:16:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=183"},"modified":"2026-06-02T04:16:00","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T04:16:00","slug":"mike-pence-should-go-away-already","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=183","title":{"rendered":"Mike Pence should go away already"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

It\u2019s 2001, and a young Mike Pence is listening to George W. Bush deliver his first major speech to Congress. The Indiana representative has waited a long time for a Republican president, but something is wrong. Bush is talking about not only expanding the size of the Department of Education \u2014 a Jimmy Carter creation \u2014 but growing its power, too. Wasn\u2019t Bush supposed to be a Republican? Why, then, was he arguing for a bigger federal government?<\/span><\/p>

Read more Boutique boxing punches down<\/a><\/p>\n

It was here that Pence resolved to cling to \u201ctried-and-true\u201d conservatism, he explains in <\/span>What Conservatives Believe, <\/span><\/i>his new book, published Tuesday. In doing so, he broke with his party\u2019s leadership to vote against Bush\u2019s flagship education reform, the No Child Left Behind Act. That moment would harden into a governing conviction: that Republican orthodoxy had been compromised, and that it was his calling to restore it.<\/span>\n<\/span>\n<\/span>In these benighted times, as the \u201csiren song of populism\u201d grows ever louder, the former vice president still dreams of that restoration: a nation that rises up and lives out the true meaning of its creed \u2014 low taxes, limited government, and unwavering support for Israel, America\u2019s \u201cmost cherished ally.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

That this dream is shared by approximately 16 other Americans, the vast majority of whom constitute Pence\u2019s extended family, hasn\u2019t stopped him. This is an exaggeration, but only slightly. The truth is, that brand of conservatism \u2014 it used to be called fusionism, for combining free-market orthodoxy, free-policy hawkism, and \u201ctraditional values\u201d \u2014 is quite literally dying along with the subscriber base of <\/span>National Review<\/span><\/i>.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

What Conservatives Believe, <\/span><\/i>Pence\u2019s third book since leaving the White House in 2020, is yet another long-winded attempt at vindication<\/span>. The book is framed as a statement of principles, rather than autobiography. It offers no insight into the internal machinations of the Trump White House, nor does it attempt a psychological portrait of the most powerful man in the country. It does not even advance a new or original critique of MAGA populism or progressivism \u2014 ostensibly the book\u2019s central purpose. Instead, readers are treated to nostalgia politics and a catalog of policy prescriptions that would have seemed dated in the Bush era, let alone this one.<\/span><\/p>\n

The new book does serve one important purpose, however. For all its denunciations of populism, Pence\u2019s work is a powerful reminder of why Trump emerged in the first place. Before 2016, fusionism <\/span>was <\/span><\/i>the GOP\u2019s governing philosophy. Its true believers \u2014 the likes of Paul Ryan, Eric Cantor, and Kevin McCarthy \u2014 were <\/span>seen as the future<\/span>. Likewise, Jeb Bush, Mike Huckabee, and John Kasich were all serious contenders for the presidency. It was hardly a golden age \u2014 and yet, this is the world that Pence seems to want to return to.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Trump may be an (extremely) imperfect vessel for working-class America, but he at least recognized that something was rotten in the old order. Pence, by contrast, refuses to grapple with that failure. If <\/span>What Conservatives Believe<\/span><\/i> reveals anything, it is that Pence still mistakes the consensus that produced Trump for the one that can succeed him.<\/span><\/p>\n

There is something almost endearing about Mike Pence. A conservative \u201c<\/span>proudly out of sync<\/span>\u201d with the times, he is one of the rare few who practice what they preach. A devout Christian married for 41 years, the lifelong Hoosier has lived such a scandal-free life that his biggest \u201ccontroversy\u201d was converting from Catholicism to evangelical Christianity as a college student. To this day, he never eats alone with a woman unless it\u2019s his wife, and he refuses to attend events involving alcohol without her by his side. (In the post-#MeToo era, many other politicians might have wished they\u2019d adopted a similar approach.)<\/span><\/p>\n

This rigidity also extends to Pence\u2019s politics. Despite growing up in a Democratic household in which John F. Kennedy (a fellow Irish Catholic) was the poster boy, Pence began flirting with the GOP during that same period, and the opinions he adopted early haven\u2019t changed. In <\/span>What Conservatives Believe, <\/span><\/i>he describes Barry Goldwater, the Arizona senator and proto-Reagan, as his intellectual hero. The young Pence found <\/span>The Conscience of a Conservative<\/span><\/i>, Goldwater\u2019s statement of principles, \u201cstirring and compelling.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cStirring\u201d and \u201ccompelling\u201d are not words that immediately spring to mind when reading <\/span>The Conscience of a Conservative<\/span><\/i>. Its didactic style, however, is clearly something Pence seeks to emulate in his own writing. He writes that conservatives \u201cmust begin with moral clarity\u201d; they \u201cmust find commonsense solutions\u201d; \u201cthey must have faith\u201d; and, most important, they \u201cmust never forsake our constitutional principles.\u201d It\u2019s the kind of message that might have had some purchase 50 years ago, but in the age of Trump\u2019s \u201c<\/span>weave<\/span>\u201d and rambling Truth Social posts, it struggles to register.<\/span>\n<\/span>\n<\/span>Unlike most other anti-Trump books, Pence\u2019s work is different in that he is willing to take on his own side, even if his attacks on the president remain restrained.<\/span><\/p>

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In Pence\u2019s telling, the specter haunting America is the unholy alliance of progressives and Right-wing populists. He argues that the latter peddle \u201cprogressivism in disguise,\u201d warning that they are \u201cfellow travelers on the road to ruin.\u201d Both dream of a collapse in the America-led international order, and seek to enlarge the state to such a degree that it crushes the economic freedom of Americans. No one is spared from Pence\u2019s withering attacks \u2014 not even Marco Rubio, whose \u201ccommon-good capitalism\u201d is dismissed as a \u201cwarmed-over version of big-government Republicanism.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\"\"<\/figure>\nFor Pence, the only answer to the problems of capitalism is more capitalism. He shows little willingness to consider that the system itself may have helped create the very populism he condemns. Across 264 pages, Pence devotes just one paragraph to the causes of the populist revolt in 2016, while Barry Goldwater earns 36 mentions. Though he concedes that globalization \u201cleft behind\u201d some regions of the country, he blames big government \u2014 rather than trade, deindustrialization, or immigration \u2014 as the source of America\u2019s ills. Beyond that, readers are served a steady diet of folksy maxims about how \u201cpopulism is like a gust of wind\u201d and hollow aphorisms such as: \u201cPopulists follow urges, not principle.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Perhaps we should not expect much more from a man who once described <\/span>himself<\/span> as Rush Limbaugh on decaf. Pence\u2019s role during the first Trump administration was largely ceremonial; he was the inscrutable mute who nodded, smiled, and applauded on cue, but rarely spoke out of turn. Unlike JD Vance, who has carved out a far more visible role in foreign policy and other issues, Pence left office without a signature policy achievement to call his own. He surfed the populist wave all the way to the Number One Observatory Circle and never seemed quite sure what to do once he got there.<\/span><\/p>\n

This is Pence in a nutshell. He was content to ride on Trump\u2019s coattails, claiming the administration\u2019s successes as his own, until the president turned on him on Jan. 6. Crucially, Pence mistook his elevated status in the White House for evidence that he represented a constituency that was loyal to him, rather than the president. In doing so, he misunderstood the movement itself: MAGA was never a coalition awaiting conservative stewardship, but a personal following organized around Trump alone. Pence\u2019s failed presidential campaign in 2024, lasting fewer than five months, proved as much.<\/span><\/p>\n

If there is an heir to Trump, that person will not be a bible-thumping Christian who preaches a return to civility and fiscal conservatism. More likely, it will be a figure who best channels the values Trump claimed to represent: ending foreign wars, draining the swamp, and reviving America\u2019s industrial heartlands. Trump may have failed in some of these promises, but he at least forced a reckoning on them. That his coalition grew, rather than shrunk, over three elections shows he had a far greater sense than Pence \u2014 or any Republican for that matter \u2014 of where the country was headed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pence, by contrast, believes the problems facing 21st-century America can be found in the 20th century, with the \u201cprovable\u201d ideas of Ronald Reagan guiding the way. So how would the former vice president address the very modern problems of social atomization, the breakdown of communities, and the infiltration of technology into everyday life? Pence answers these thorny questions with grandfatherly wisdom: \u201csocial media often can feel like antisocial media,\u201d \u201ciPhones transform into what I call \u2018iFOMOs\u2019 because users suffer from a \u2018fear of missing out,\u2019\u201d and the suggestion that the Founding Fathers might have prefaced the Tenth Amendment with \u201cICYMI.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

These sparkling insights may read more like a church newsletter than a political diagnosis, but they point to a broader truth. The world that produced Reagan \u2014 and the Republican consensus he embodied \u2014 has long since disappeared, replaced by economic dislocation, cultural fragmentation, and a crisis of institutional trust that Reaganite platitudes are poorly equipped to address. The tragedy of Pence is not merely that he was eclipsed by Trump, but that he still cannot see why Trump emerged in the first place. The world has moved on from Pence and his ideology; only Pence seems determined to remain behind.<\/span><\/p>

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