{"id":166,"date":"2026-05-30T05:11:58","date_gmt":"2026-05-30T05:11:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=166"},"modified":"2026-05-30T05:11:58","modified_gmt":"2026-05-30T05:11:58","slug":"burnham-wont-quell-englands-revolt","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=166","title":{"rendered":"Burnham won’t quell England’s revolt"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

In his 2004 song \u201cIrish Blood, English Heart\u201c, the Manchester-Irish songsmith Morrissey proclaimed he was \u201cdreaming of a time when\/ To be English is not to be baneful \/ To be standing by the flag not feeling shameful\u201d and \u201cThe English are sick to death of Labour and Tories.\u201d It is a mark of Britain\u2019s transformation since then that these sentiments, quixotic and cancellable two decades ago, now represent the driving force of national politics. To escape the harsh winds swirling around them, Westminster\u2019s ruling party has been forced to huddle in fear around the savior figure of Andy Burnham, the least hated candidate they can find, as the only force standing between them and electoral destruction. Like it or not, we live in Morrissey\u2019s England now.<\/p>\n

Read more What Versace learned from Rome<\/a><\/p>\n

Yet in this battle between the two visions of the nation, it\u2019s ironic that Burnham himself holds the rare distinction of having been directly scolded by his musical hero. The would-be prime minister, who once rather Pooterishly wrote that while \u201cnot in tune with his views now, I can\u2019t deny how important Morrissey was to me\u201d,\u00a0 faced the singer\u2019s wrath for imprecisely characterizing the 2017 Manchester bomber as merely \u201can extremist\u201d.<\/p>\n

The Manchester Arena bomb, for Morrissey \u201cEngland\u2019s 9\/11\u201d, and the subject of his unreleased song \u201cBonfire of Teenagers\u201d \u2014 in which \u201cthe silly people sing: \u2018Don\u2019t Look Back in Anger\u2019\u2026 I can assure you I will look back in anger \u2019till the day I die\u201d \u2014 came only two weeks into Burnham\u2019s tenure as mayor of Greater Manchester, in what already feels like a different country. Were it to happen today, it is hard to imagine a restive public responding as warmly as it then did to the comforting platitudes of swaying \u201ctogetherness\u201d rolled out by Burnham. In his 2024 political manifesto of no-nonsense Northernness, Head North<\/em>, co-written with Liverpool mayor Steve Rotherham (whose own daughter was at the concert), Burnham discusses the atrocity more or less like an unfathomable act of God. Particular censure is reserved for the slow response of the emergency services, presented as yet another failure of Westminster state capacity.<\/p>\n

That the bomber\u2019s very presence in this country \u2014 as a member of a family granted asylum precisely due to their involvement in jihadist opposition to Gaddafi; who was himself returned to Britain from Libya by the Royal Navy while an object of interest to MI5 for his jihadist activity; and who paid for his bomb\u2019s components with taxpayer-funded benefits doled out to his mother \u2014 of course represents an infinitely greater state failure. None of this figures in Burnham\u2019s manifesto. Yet it is precisely this grievance \u2014 against the strange and cruel punishments that the British state, through a perverted sense of benevolence, wreaks against its own people \u2014 that has underwritten Reform\u2019s rise and Labour\u2019s catastrophic fall. Only in his 2025 postscript does Burnham note that, \u201cOne of the features of the age in which we live is its extreme volatility\u2026 The appalling murder of three young girls in Southport was sickeningly exploited and, for several days after, Britain felt like a country we have not known before\u2026 it feels as though we are approaching a political reckoning.\u201d If the numbers are right, Burnham will soon find himself ruling this strange and unknown country. Yet uneasy lies the head that wears the Northern crown: according to the polls, if he enters power at all, it will only be because the threat from Reform, in this once dependable Labour heartland, has been dissipated by the electorate\u2019s unexpectedly strong interest in the more radical Restore party.<\/p>\n

Burnham himself warns of the \u201crisk\u201d that \u201ca progressive government could serve only one term and be replaced in 2029 by the most right-wing one Britain has ever seen\u201d, presenting his Northern manifesto as \u201cthe Left\u2019s only viable answer to the radical Right.\u201d Is Burnham\u2019s localized success replicable nationwide? As others have noted in their dissections of Burnham\u2019s self-proclaimed \u201cManchesterism\u201d, presiding over a booming and dynamic citystate is not quite the same as being the cause of its success. That the Northwest, with its Irish links so lauded by Burnham, has become the epicenter of violent revolt against the asylum system and its unintended consequences, first in Knowsley in 2023 and then after the Southport murders, suggests other narratives are possible.<\/p>\n

Yet Burnham\u2019s contributions to Head North are more interesting than the Westminster discourse, focused on the economics of Burnhamism, would so far imply. Buried in the text is a one-line summation of the Nairn-Anderson thesis, in which the root of British decline, and latterly its political dysfunction, is traced to the Westminster state\u2019s anomalous failure, when compared with peer nations, to have undergone a successful bourgeois revolution.<\/p>\n

\u201cBritain,\u201d Burnham declares, \u201cunlike other countries, has never had a moment of modern nation-building. Our system of governance has slowly evolved from the feudal state, the remnants of which are still clearly visible in Parliament today.\u201d The result, Burnham writes, is that \u201cBritain is one of the most politically centralized and economically unbalanced countries in the developed world.\u201d Rather over-egging Manchester\u2019s distance from the capital \u2014 we are led to imagine him like Robert Bruce sheltering from the rain in his cave, ruminating on London\u2019s iniquities \u2014 Burnham declares that only in his Northern exile did he reach the conclusion that \u201cthe Westminster system was our problem and, in its current form, could never be our solution\u201d.<\/p>\n

While Farage and his Right-wing challenger Rupert Lowe echo, in southern English accents and perhaps unconsciously, the discourse of Britain\u2019s peripheral nationalists, Burnham\u2019s critique of the failing Westminster state is more startlingly explicit. The Celtic comparisons are fully intended: his \u201cexperiences outside of Westminster\u201d, he tells us, have inspired \u201ca much better understanding of the feeling long building in Northern Ireland, Wales and Scotland\u201d. He rails against an \u201cestablishment prepared to play public opinion against parts of the North of England, Northern Ireland, Wales or Scotland whenever it has suited them\u201d. He claims that \u201cthey do it because they fear nothing more than the regions and nations uniting in common cause against a system that doesn\u2019t have their interests at heart\u201d. The Hillsborough disaster is repeatedly likened, rather dubiously, to Bloody Sunday. Northern Ireland \u201chas big similarities to the North West of England,\u201d Burnham asserts, without informing the curious reader what these similarities might be.<\/p>\n

Read more The year of cosmic shock<\/a><\/p>\n

Yet Burnhamism, in its constitutional sense, represents something that does not meaningfully exist in Northern Ireland: he is an Irish Catholic Unionist, a Home Ruler through and through. This Redmondite quality comes through most clearly in his 2025 interview with Tom McTague. Proud of his great-grandfather\u2019s self-sacrifice in the First World War, \u201cit is Burnham\u2019s Irish roots that help explain his British identity,\u201d we are told, fueling \u201chis insistence that he is British first rather than English\u201d. Bearer of an identity more commonly found among non-white minorities and Ulster Protestants than Labour\u2019s defected voter base, now merrily flagging their neighborhoods with St George\u2019s Crosses, \u201cBeing British rather than English\u201d, Burnham tells McTague, \u201callows him to keep all the \u2018layers\u2019 of his identity intact: British first, north-west second, Liverpool third, and English fourth.\u201d Or English last, Morrissey might archly note.<\/p>\n

For having outlined the similarities between the North \u2014 and for Northern England, Burnham only ever really means the urban Northwest \u2014 and the Celtic nations, Burnham suddenly tacks in a different direction: insisting that \u201cunlike some in those places, we would never advocate for the break-up of the UK\u201d. He thus utilizes the Nairn-Anderson thesis for novel Unionist purposes, using it to save what its originators believed could not be saved. The answer to Britain\u2019s many problems, he argues, is a further round of devolution, breaking up England into powerful city-regions with their own hinterlands, each comparable in size to the Celtic nations. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, in turn, are to be encouraged to devolve more power away from their parliaments towards their towns and cities, which, \u201ccollaborating\u201d across the UK\u2019s internal borders in a hazy fashion, would weaken the \u201cinevitably tense and political\u201d relationships between their national governments and Westminster. For all that Tony Blair\u2019s latest intervention in national politics is read as an assault on Burnhamism, Burnham\u2019s own constitutional experimentation is a turbo-charged Blairism, both completing New Labour\u2019s unfinished revolution and, Burnham believes, ameliorating the centrifugal pressures it introduced.<\/p>\n

But it is here that we see Burnham\u2019s characteristically Labourite weak point, his absence of national feeling except towards the very Westminster state he claims to oppose. Burnham\u2019s assertion on the outdatedness of nationalism is not borne out by political events, as the May elections showed. The very building block of electorally ascendant Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism is their sense of national sentiment and the sense of political destiny it leads towards, a destiny its adherents believe to be frustrated by Westminster rule. Rather than cooperating with a Burnham government, won over by his misty-eyed Celtic reveries and performative distaste for the capital from which he must rule, Burnham\u2019s proposed strengthening of Unionism through devolution would present peripheral nationalists with a mortal threat. Why would they give up their hard-won power to serve explicitly Unionist ends? Why would they abandon their political projects at the behest of Westminster\u2019s latest (and surely short-lived) ruler, thrust to power only as a result of crisis and desperation in the political center?<\/p>\n

And what is true of the Celtic nations is also true of England. Burnham\u2019s analysis of the urban Northwest as the artificially suppressed engine of British modernity, laid low by the rentier capitalism of Southeast England and a creaking and antiquated Westminster state, equally overlaps with that of Tom Hazeldine in his excellent 2020 book The Northern Question<\/em>. Its history punctuated by occasional rebellions, its dialects divergent from the state\u2019s prestige form, its governance marginal to distant London, Northern England in many ways presents an analog to the Celtic nations. Yet it never developed its own comparable nationalism. The reason, Hazeldine never quite clarifies, is surely that the inhabitants of Northern England are, politically, English before they are Northern. As such, Northern English dissatisfaction has always expressed itself in trying to reform Westminster rather than seceding from it: and for all that he claims to be Northern first and English second, this is also Burnham\u2019s chosen path.<\/p>\n

Yet to save the United Kingdom, Burnham must carve up England, an instinctively conservative country, into a collection of urban metropoles whose cosmopolitan voters will outweigh their suburban and rural hinterlands in the exercise of power. Why would Reform, with its keen if unspoken appreciation of the demographic limits of its appeal, agree to such gerrymandering? Perhaps the march of history compels us, Burnham muses: \u201cIf the nineteenth century was the century of empire, and the twentieth was the century of the nation state, the new thinking was that the twenty-first would be led by a network of cities around the world,\u201d he declares, revealing himself as less a daring avatar of national rebirth than as a provincial Sadiq Khan.<\/p>\n

We can, no doubt, expect all manner of constitutional novelties from a future Burnham premiership. In its terminal throes, Labour is making the explicit choice to replace a leader who believes the Westminster state still fundamentally functions with one who demands \u201cnothing less than a complete rewiring of Britain\u201d: even Labour now accepts that Britain needs reform. Yet beyond England \u2014 for Burnham merely an unappealing menu option between dynamic city-states, the wider Union and an even greater European union still \u2014 none of the dominant peripheral nationalist parties have anything to gain from Burnham\u2019s vision of \u201cthe regions and nations uniting in common cause\u201d: unless it is to accrue more power, to be utilized in the service of secession. A Westminster creature through and through, to save the Labour project it is England Burnham must dismantle, whose own brewing bourgeois revolution he feels history commands him to suppress. If Northern England is now the engine of the nation\u2019s politics, its voters\u2019 ever more determinedly-expressed wishes present far more of a threat to Burnhamism than an endorsement.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, there is something, and potentially something of great power, to be found in appealing to shared conceptions of British identity beyond the reach or confines of the Westminster system. Yet attempting to do so from Whitehall, exerting power through the same system he condemns, will prove as challenging for Burnham as it later will for Farage. Once ensconced in Downing Street, he will no longer be the King in the North, but just another Labour prime minister, trying and failing to manipulate the broken levers of the state. More likely, the English revolt will soon do for Burnham as it already has for Starmer. Even so, Burnham is significant as a waypoint on the road we are condemned to travel: it is a marker of our political moment that to rule from Westminster, our next prime minister must claim to despise it.<\/p>\n

Read more The plot for a British caliphate<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In his 2004 song \u201cIrish Blood, English Heart\u201c, the Manchester-Irish songsmith Morrissey proclaimed he was \u201cdreaming of a time when\/ To be English is not to be baneful \/ To be standing by the flag not feeling shameful\u201d and \u201cThe English are sick to death of Labour and Tories.\u201d It is a mark of Britain\u2019s […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":165,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[18],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-166","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-weekend-essay"],"yoast_head":"\nBurnham won't quell England's revolt - \u0421ity Flow Journal<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=166\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Burnham won't quell England's revolt - 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