{"id":112,"date":"2026-05-24T15:41:15","date_gmt":"2026-05-24T15:41:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=112"},"modified":"2026-05-24T15:41:15","modified_gmt":"2026-05-24T15:41:15","slug":"can-burnham-banish-maggies-ghost","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cityflowjournal.com\/?p=112","title":{"rendered":"Can Burnham banish Maggie’s ghost?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

In 2013, I attended a Margaret Thatcher death party in Brixton. At the age of 23, perhaps I should have known better. Politically, I was in an extended-adolescence phase of edgelordism \u2014 jumping chaotically between anarchism and a post-ironic Stalinism, with teenage rebellion stuck on permanent default mode, fueled by high London rents, low London pay, and a nagging sense of self-righteous, insufferably graduate-class grievance. The post-2008 economy could no longer provide a ticket to middle-class security for the near-50% of school-leavers then going to university. Thatcher, who had died, aged 87, of a stroke at the Ritz, served as a convenient scapegoat. It was she who could be blamed for every ill that had befallen both the British Left and Liverpool, my hometown, in the prior 35 years.<\/p>\n

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Today I find the idea of drinking cans of Polish lager to mark the passing of a former prime minister rather pitiable. From a solely political perspective, of course, it is counterproductive, for it tells the general public that the contemporary Left resembles little more than a misanthropic, detached subculture found mainly among the younger, over-educated denizens of gentrifying urban enclaves. But beyond any strategic consideration, it also signifies the strength of Thatcherism, against which my fellow Brixton revelers and I were pathetically impotent.<\/p>\n

In contemporary discourse, Maggie\u2019s enduring legacy is taken to be something called \u201cneoliberalism\u201d, a system of political economy apparently dominant for the last 40 years, and now undergoing a critical appraisal, not least because of certain Labour leadership hopefuls blaming it for British decline. In his slick Makerfield campaign video, Andy Burnham says he \u201csaw what Thatcher\u2019s government did to places like this\u201d, citing \u201cdeindustrialization\u201d and \u201cthe draining away of economic, social and political power\u201d from provincial Britain. As Reform positions itself as the party of the Northern working class, in alliance with small traders and the Home Counties\u2019 petit bourgeoisie, the Left delivers dire warnings of a Thatcherite revival \u2014 the better to hold onto those working-class Northerners. Farage and the Reform leadership clique are, after all, longtime disciples of the monetarist creed.<\/p>\n

None of this is to say that my opinions on the Iron Lady have altered much. Even from a purely\u00a0conservative<\/em>\u00a0standpoint, she caused a lot of harm to the country, much of it perhaps irreparable. Though her project invoked a parochial conservatism, it nevertheless radically altered our mode of production according to an imported set of continental (namely Austrian) ideologies. It projected a vision of British patriotism that sold off national assets by the pound, exposing a relatively coherent and regionally balanced national economy to all the volatilities of globalized, financialized capital and international trade flows, as well as leaving us dependent on the kindness of strangers and cap-in-hand foreign patronage. And while its libertarian streak was applied ruthlessly to \u201cfree market\u201d actors, an authoritarian traditionalism and throwback Victorian morality dominated in the socio-cultural sphere and in law and order \u2014 as exemplified by the battle of\u00a0Orgreave.<\/p>\n

Thatcher, then, is as significant a figure in discourse as she was when she died. In that sense, it is an auspicious time to be putting on a play about her. At Liverpool\u2019s Everyman Theater, an adaptation of Hilary Mantel\u2019s novella,\u00a0The Assassination of Margaret Thatcher<\/em>,\u00a0is\u00a0nearing the end of its first run. It\u2019s a fitting venue: 13 years ago, as I drank cans of Tyskie in Brixton, groups of fellow Scousers spontaneously emptied out of the dockers\u2019 pub The Casa just yards from the Everyman to mark Thatcher\u2019s death. It\u2019s a fitting time, too, as a famous son of Liverpool promises to reverse the legacy of the city\u2019s \u2014\u00a0and the play\u2019s \u2014\u00a0b\u00eate noire (Burnham the Scouser has spent around a decade posing as a Mancunian \u2014 a rare boon for someone born in the nether regions between the North West\u2019s two great metropoles, with a shifting dual identity that mirrors his political oscillations).<\/p>\n

Mantel\u2019s original story attracted\u00a0controversy\u00a0at the time of its publication in 2014. For all the brouhaha, one would have expected it to be historical fiction in the philosophical tradition of Frantz Fanon \u2014 the French psychoanalyst whose writing on the efficacy and superior morality of Left-wing political violence is still a bookshelf stalwart of many a LARPing student revolutionary. Conservative MPs led the chorus of condemnation, but, in all likelihood, they had never read the text, despite its short length. For Mantel was no frothing-at-the-mouth extremist advocating the progressive or, like Fanon, mentally rehabilitative, qualities of revolutionary murder. Her epic on the French Revolution,\u00a0A Place of Greater Safety<\/em>, reveals no sympathies for the cold, utilitarian, socially cleansing properties of the guillotine. Instead it focuses on some of the human costs of political upheaval.<\/p>\n

In that vein, the Scouse IRA sniper featured in\u00a0The Assassination of Margaret Thatcher<\/em>\u00a0is fundamentally more melancholic than heroic. He seeks a personal catharsis in his act, as well as political change, but it\u2019s highly questionable whether he will attain either. The play adaptation carries this mood forward \u2014 the assassin portrayed more as a sad, disturbed reject than a hardened, cocksure ideologue. The terrorist tricks his way into the home of a single widow, whose bedroom window happens to overlook a hospital entrance on the day of a prime ministerial visit. The widow tries gently to persuade him of the errors of his ways \u2014 and it is she who carries the audience\u2019s favor in this two-person performance.<\/p>\n

Nor is Mantel\u2019s choice of terrorist surprising. Such is the hold of the Thatcherite decade over the collective Liverpudlian imagination that local politicians still frequently invoke the Toxteth riots along with Maggie\u2019s supposed plans for Merseyside\u2019s \u201cmanaged decline\u201d. It was, in fact, her chancellor Geoffrey Howe who suggested the policy of allowing a city-wide gradual atrophy, rather than attempting to guide water up a hill in what was known as \u201cthe Bermuda Triangle of British capitalism\u201d. Eventually, Howe\u2019s plan was rejected in favor of a Heseltine-branded plan of city-center-focused urban regeneration. But since then, the \u201cmanaged decline\u201d epithet has stuck \u2014 a Scouser never forgets, of course.<\/p>\n

The cultural influence of the era is still broad. The industrial wastelands and mass unemployment portrayed in the Liverpool-based TV series the\u00a0Boys from the Blackstuff\u00a0was apparently what inspired Burnham to go into politics by joining the Labour Party aged 14. It is as if our local political elites (all Labour, still, for now) are afflicted by a collective, 40-year hangover induced by the transition from a bustling, Tory-voting, mercantile port (the \u201cSecond City of Empire\u201d) into a belligerent poster child of urban decay (\u201cSmack City\u201d). Though admittedly the anti-Thatcher finger-pointing might also help redirect attention from the likes of \u201cChippy tits\u201d, a recent mayor who awaits trial over charges of bribery and conspiracy to commit misconduct in public office. Many in the audience of\u00a0The Assassination of Margaret Thatcher<\/em>\u00a0will no doubt hope that Makerfield\u2019s Labour populist can prove the final antidote \u2014 the acetaminophen and bacon sandwich\u00a0\u2014 to cure the lasting Thatcherite headache.<\/p>\n

The rich nuance of the play is undermined by the limited-edition tote bags proclaiming \u201cREJOICE! REJOICE!\u201d on sale behind the theater bar. They will have sold well. But how much can we still claim to live in Thatcher\u2019s world when the tax burden is at a 70-year high? Where is the Thatcherite free market when a bureaucratic welfare state takes ever-increasing tax revenues from productive labor and investment, redirecting it toward the ever-expanding army of the indigent and indolent? Certainly, few business owners will see in today\u2019s stagnant Britain a portrait of laissez-faire nightwatchman governance.<\/p>\n

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Two political tribes offer opposed diagnoses for the UK\u2019s dismal situation, with each identifying different starting points for the Fall. For the Burnhamite Left, the decline began in 1979, when Thatcher came to power. For the Right, decline began in 1997, on Blair\u2019s arrival. The Right posits that the source of our ills is the lingering effects of too-much-state, of an overbearing, Cool Britannia lanyard socialism. This is a story of radical constitutional renewal and the empowerment of quangos, arms-length bodies, international organizations and the judiciary at the expense of executive ministerial authority and the Crown-in-Parliament. The result is an omnipotent regulatory deep state that hampers individual initiative and state capacity alike.<\/p>\n

But what we\u2019re really seeing is a grotesque blend of the worst of Thatcherism with the worst of Blairism: bad aspects of \u201cneoliberalism\u201d coexisting with bad aspects of bureaucratic statism. The result combines top-down statist nitpicking with Thatcherite ownership models; corporate, Whitehall and town hall management structures amalgamating into a public-private-partnership blob, administered and lobbied by armies of LinkedIn-posting hangers-on. Blairism is, after all, a development of Thatcherism, as Thatcher herself recognized when\u00a0she described\u00a0New Labour as her greatest achievement.<\/p>\n

The consequences of this Frankenstein blend are clear to see.\u00a0Utilities, critical industries and infrastructure are in the hands of privateers, many of them foreign. Collective bargaining outside the public sector is virtually non-existent, contributing in no small part to a 20-year stagnation in real wages. We suffer from an over-reliance on financial, corporate, and legal services, low levels of public and private investment, and an extremely open, low-wage, low-productivity economy addicted to imported cheap labor and foreign direct investment. But we\u2019ve matched that with a vetocracy that stymies development; with rule-by-NIMBY; with a New Labour-style dispersal of executive power across bureaucracies and professional bodies; and with often excessive meddling in the private sector. Our emasculated politicians are engaging in after-the-fact distributionism, doling out the proceeds of an old, broken growth model without knowing how to kickstart a new one. This is the legacy of Blair: a legalistic, top-down progressivism rather than anything resembling the very British socialism which Thatcher set out to destroy.<\/p>\n

It was the One Nation Tory Ian Gilmour who held that Thatcherism had more in common with the free-trading Gladstonian Whigs than with the patrician tendency of his own party. No doubt Britain\u2019s postwar social democracy was in a sorry state by the Seventies, requiring fundamental reform, not least a compromise with the realities of profit and loss. But the grocer\u2019s daughter, steeped in a low-church Methodist ethos, took a polity rooted in the communitarian institutions of mass democracy, million-member political parties, the trade unions, churches, industrial mass production and security in work, housing and therefore family life, and replaced it with a rugged, dog-eat-dog, atomized individualism.<\/p>\n

In trying to alter what she called \u201cthe object\u201d of man\u2019s soul through \u201cthe method\u201d of rigid economism, she initially attempted to model Britain on her native Grantham \u2014 a staid Lincolnshire market town full of people who embodied the sturdy, middle-English values of thrift, self-reliance, respectability and quiet, Christian philanthropy. Instead we got the economy of the spiv, the City slicker, the consultant, the agency, with every job outsourced, every project put out to tender, a vast network of email-senders and middle managers vying for a procurement contract, a teat on the underbelly of our swollen PLC state.<\/p>\n

Thatcherism\u2019s pivot towards the great circuit of Mammon invited the criticism of even the conservative philosophers, such as Roger Scruton,\u00a0for whom\u00a0\u201cthe emancipation of the market from the constraints of small communities, territorial loyalty and the jurisdiction of the nation state\u201d had more than an air of deracinated cosmopolitan liberalism.<\/p>\n

After watching\u00a0The\u00a0Assassination of Margaret Thatcher<\/em>, I thought back to 2013, getting too drunk on Tyskie. The futility is obvious now: we\u2019ve had Corbynism, Brexit and much else besides, but none has brought us true deliverance, and the debate on Thatcherism has never been settled, instead congealing into two different tribal mythologies. The Left hope that a charismatic mayor with a warm smile will exorcise Thatcher\u2019s ghost, and with it that of her New Labour successors, while the Reformist Right prays that it will one day complete her unfinished revolution.<\/p>\n

Any genuine savior, Burnham or otherwise, will have to topple the mongrel system we currently inhabit, which displays neither the features of efficient entrepreneurialism nor those of state competence and capacity. We have neither the comforts of collectivism nor the dynamism of the market, neither the cradle-to-grave carer nor the sovereign individual. Mantel understood this better than most; her assassin seeks a personal and political redemption through violence, but the lead man can\u2019t find salvation by killing what has already metastasized. There are no easy escape routes. At least in 2013, drunk on cheap lager and high off my own supply, I knew who the enemy was.<\/p>\n

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